名人演讲：打破沉寂（共8篇）

“神的到来”通过精心收集，向本站投稿了8篇名人演讲：打破沉寂，下面给大家分享名人演讲：打破沉寂，欢迎阅读!

篇1：名人演讲：打破沉寂

名人演讲：打破沉寂

我们都知道，马丁・路德・金是美国的民权运动领袖，他为黑人谋求平等，甚至献出了自己的生命，被誉为是“黑人的麦加”。而与此同时，马丁・路德・金也是一名卓越的反战斗士，他关心的不仅仅是“小我”的权利，而且还有“大我”的和平、自由。如果你一直以来只是把马丁・路德・金看成一个黑人运动领袖，那么下面的这篇演讲相信会让你对他有新的认识――马

ぢ返隆そ鸬奈按笕烁裰档梦颐敲恳桓鲅鍪幼鹁础?br>

本演讲发表于1967年4月4日，是马丁・路德・金在“忧世教士和俗人协会”的一个反越站的集会上的'演讲，集会的地点是纽约著名的河边大教堂（riverside

church）。

我之所以跨入此间宏伟的教堂，是因为我的良心让我别无选择。我加入你们的集会，则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织――“忧世教士和俗人协会”关注越南――的工作和主旨非常认同。我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感，当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣：“这是一个‘沉默即是背叛’的时刻。”

i

come

to

this

magnificent

house

of

worship

tonight

because

my

conscience

leaves

me

no

other

choice.

i

join

you

in

this

meeting

because

i

am

in

deepest

agreement

with

the

aims

and

work

of

the

organization

which

has

brought

us

together:

clergy

and

laymen

concerned

about

vietnam.

the

recent

statements

of

your

executive

committee

are

the

sentiments

of

my

own

heart,

and

i

found

myself

in

full

accord

when

i

read

its

opening

lines:

“a

time

comes

when

silence

is

betrayal.”

演讲全文：a

time

to

break

silence

by

martin

luther

king,

jr.

i

come

to

this

magnificent

house

of

worship

tonight

because

my

conscience

leaves

me

no

other

choice.

i

join

you

in

this

meeting

because

i

am

in

deepest

agreement

with

the

aims

and

work

of

the

organization

which

has

brought

us

together:

clergy

and

laymen

concerned

about

vietnam.

the

recent

statements

of

your

executive

committee

are

the

sentiments

of

my

own

heart,

and

i

found

myself

in

full

accord

when

i

read

its

opening

lines:

“a

time

comes

when

silence

is

betrayal.”

and

that

time

has

come

for

us

in

relation

to

vietnam.

the

truth

of

these

words

is

beyond

doubt,

but

the

mission

to

which

they

call

us

is

a

most

difficult

one.

even

when

pressed

by

the

demands

of

inner

truth,

men

do

not

easily

assume

the

task

of

opposing

their

government's

policy,

especially

in

time

of

war.

nor

does

the

human

spirit

move

without

great

difficulty

against

all

the

apathy

of

conformist

thought

within

one's

own

bosom

and

in

the

surrounding

world.

moreover,

when

the

issues

at

hand

seem

as

perplexed

as

they

often

do

in

the

case

of

this

dreadful

conflict,

we

are

always

on

the

verge

of

being

mesmerized

by

uncertainty;

but

we

must

move

on.

and

some

of

us

who

have

already

begun

to

break

the

silence

of

the

night

have

found

that

the

calling

to

speak

is

often

a

vocation

of

agony,

but

we

must

speak.

we

must

speak

with

all

the

humility

that

is

appropriate

to

our

limited

vision,

but

we

must

speak.

and

we

must

rejoice

as

well,

for

surely

this

is

the

first

time

in

our

nation's

history

that

a

significant

number

of

its

religious

leaders

have

chosen

to

move

beyond

the

prophesying

of

smooth

patriotism

to

the

high

grounds

of

a

firm

dissent

based

upon

the

mandates

of

conscience

and

the

reading

of

history.

perhaps

a

new

spirit

is

rising

among

us.

if

it

is,

let

us

trace

its

movements

and

pray

that

our

own

inner

being

may

be

sensitive

to

its

guidance,

for

we

are

deeply

in

need

of

a

new

way

beyond

the

darkness

that

seems

so

close

around

us.

over

the

past

two

years,

as

i

have

moved

to

break

the

betrayal

of

my

own

silences

and

to

speak

from

the

burnings

of

my

own

heart,

as

i

have

called

for

radical

departures

from

the

destruction

of

vietnam,

many

persons

have

questioned

me

about

the

wisdom

of

my

path.

at

the

heart

of

their

concerns

this

query

has

often

loomed

large

and

loud:

“why

are

you

speaking

about

the

war,

dr.

king?”

“why

are

you

joining

the

voices

of

dissent?”

“peace

and

civil

rights

don't

mix,”

they

say.

“aren't

you

hurting

the

cause

of

your

people,”

they

ask?

and

when

i

hear

them,

though

i

often

understand

the

source

of

their

concern,

i

am

nevertheless

greatly

saddened,

for

such

questions

mean

that

the

inquirers

have

not

really

known

me,

my

commitment

or

my

calling.

indeed,

their

questions

suggest

that

they

do

not

know

the

world

in

which

they

live.

in

the

light

of

such

tragic

misunderstanding,

i

deem

it

of

signal

importance

to

try

to

state

clearly,

and

i

trust

concisely,

why

i

believe

that

the

path

from

dexter

avenue

baptist

church

--

the

church

in

montgomery,

alabama,

where

i

began

my

pastorate

--

leads

clearly

to

this

sanctuary

tonight.

i

come

to

this

platform

tonight

to

make

a

passionate

plea

to

my

beloved

nation.

this

speech

is

not

addressed

to

hanoi

or

to

the

national

liberation

front.

it

is

not

addressed

to

china

or

to

russia.

nor

is

it

an

attempt

to

overlook

the

ambiguity

of

the

total

situation

and

the

need

for

a

collective

solution

to

the

tragedy

of

vietnam.

neither

is

it

an

attempt

to

make

north

vietnam

or

the

national

liberation

front

paragons

of

virtue,

nor

to

overlook

the

role

they

must

play

in

the

successful

resolution

of

the

problem.

while

they

both

may

have

justifiable

reasons

to

be

suspicious

of

the

good

faith

of

the

united

states,

life

and

history

give

eloquent

testimony

to

the

fact

that

conflicts

are

never

resolved

without

trustful

give

and

take

on

both

sides.

tonight,

however,

i

wish

not

to

speak

with

hanoi

and

the

national

liberation

front,

but

rather

to

my

fellowed

[sic]

americans,

*who,

with

me,

bear

the

greatest

responsibility

in

ending

a

conflict

that

has

exacted

a

heavy

price

on

both

continents.

since

i

am

a

preacher

by

trade,

i

suppose

it

is

not

surprising

that

i

have

seven

major

reasons

for

bringing

vietnam

into

the

field

of

my

moral

vision.*

there

is

at

the

outset

a

very

obvious

and

almost

facile

connection

between

the

war

in

vietnam

and

the

struggle

i,

and

others,

have

been

waging

in

america.

a

few

years

ago

there

was

a

shining

moment

in

that

struggle.

it

seemed

as

if

there

was

a

real

promise

of

hope

for

the

poor

--

both

black

and

white

--

through

the

poverty

program.

there

were

experiments,

hopes,

new

beginnings.

then

came

the

buildup

in

vietnam,

and

i

watched

this

program

broken

and

eviscerated,

as

if

it

were

some

idle

political

plaything

of

a

society

gone

mad

on

war,

and

i

knew

that

america

would

never

invest

the

necessary

funds

or

energies

in

rehabilitation

of

its

poor

so

long

as

adventures

like

vietnam

continued

to

draw

men

and

skills

and

money

like

some

demonic

destructive

suction

tube.

so,

i

was

increasingly

compelled

to

see

the

war

as

an

enemy

of

the

poor

and

to

attack

it

as

such.

perhaps

the

more

tragic

recognition

of

reality

took

place

when

it

became

clear

to

me

that

the

war

was

doing

far

more

than

devastating

the

hopes

of

the

poor

at

home.

it

was

sending

their

sons

and

their

brothers

and

their

husbands

to

fight

and

to

die

in

extraordinarily

high

proportions

relative

to

the

rest

of

the

population.

we

were

taking

the

black

young

men

who

had

been

crippled

by

our

society

and

sending

them

eight

thousand

miles

away

to

guarantee

liberties

in

southeast

asia

which

they

had

not

found

in

southwest

georgia

and

east

harlem.

and

so

we

have

been

repeatedly

faced

with

the

cruel

irony

of

watching

negro

and

white

boys

on

tv

screens

as

they

kill

and

die

together

for

a

nation

that

has

been

unable

to

seat

them

together

in

the

same

schools.

and

so

we

watch

them

in

brutal

solidarity

burning

the

huts

of

a

poor

village,

but

we

realize

that

they

would

hardly

live

on

the

same

block

in

chicago.

i

could

not

be

silent

in

the

face

of

such

cruel

manipulation

of

the

poor.

my

third

reason

moves

to

an

even

deeper

level

of

awareness,

for

it

grows

out

of

my

experience

in

the

ghettoes

of

the

north

over

the

last

three

years

--

especially

the

last

three

summers.

as

i

have

walked

among

the

desperate,

rejected,

and

angry

young

men,

i

have

told

them

that

molotov

cocktails

and

rifles

would

not

solve

their

problems.

i

have

tried

to

offer

them

my

deepest

compassion

while

maintaining

my

conviction

that

social

change

comes

most

meaningfully

through

nonviolent

action.

but

they

ask

--

and

rightly

so

--

what

about

vietnam?

they

ask

if

our

own

nation

wasn't

using

massive

doses

of

violence

to

solve

its

problems,

to

bring

about

the

changes

it

wanted.

their

questions

hit

home,

and

i

knew

that

i

could

never

again

raise

my

voice

against

the

violence

of

the

oppressed

in

the

ghettos

without

having

first

spoken

clearly

to

the

greatest

purveyor

of

violence

in

the

world

today

--

my

own

government.

for

the

sake

of

those

boys,

for

the

sake

of

this

government,

for

the

sake

of

the

hundreds

of

thousands

trembling

under

our

violence,

i

cannot

be

silent.

for

those

who

ask

the

question,

“aren't

you

a

civil

rights

leader?”

and

thereby

mean

to

exclude

me

from

the

movement

for

peace,

i

have

this

further

answer.

in

1957

when

a

group

of

us

formed

the

southern

christian

leadership

conference,

we

chose

as

our

motto:

“to

save

the

soul

of

america.”

we

were

convinced

that

we

could

not

limit

our

vision

to

certain

rights

for

black

people,

but

instead

affirmed

the

conviction

that

america

would

never

be

free

or

saved

from

itself

until

the

descendants

of

its

slaves

were

loosed

completely

from

the

shackles

they

still

wear.

in

a

way

we

were

agreeing

with

langston

hughes,

that

black

bard

of

harlem,

who

had

written

earlier:

o,

yes,

i

say

it

plain,

america

never

was

america

to

me,

and

yet

i

swear

this

oath

--

america

will

be!

now,

it

should

be

incandescently

clear

that

no

one

who

has

any

concern

for

the

integrity

and

life

of

america

today

can

ignore

the

present

war.

if

america's

soul

becomes

totally

poisoned,

part

of

the

autopsy

must

read:

vietnam.

it

can

never

be

saved

so

long

as

it

destroys

the

deepest

hopes

of

men

the

world

over.

so

it

is

that

those

of

us

who

are

yet

determined

that

america

will

be

are

led

down

the

path

of

protest

and

dissent,

working

for

the

health

of

our

land.

as

if

the

weight

of

such

a

commitment

to

the

life

and

health

of

america

were

not

enough,

another

burden

of

responsibility

was

placed

upon

me

in

1954**

[sic];

and

i

cannot

forget

that

the

nobel

prize

for

peace

was

also

a

commission

--

a

commission

to

work

harder

than

i

had

ever

worked

before

for

“the

brotherhood

of

man.”

this

is

a

calling

that

takes

me

beyond

national

allegiances,

but

even

if

it

were

not

present

i

would

yet

have

to

live

with

the

meaning

of

my

commitment

to

the

ministry

of

jesus

christ.

to

me

the

relationship

of

this

ministry

to

the

making

of

peace

is

so

obvious

that

i

sometimes

marvel

at

those

who

ask

me

why

i'm

speaking

against

the

war.

could

it

be

that

they

do

not

know

that

the

good

news

was

meant

for

all

men

--

for

communist

and

capitalist,

for

their

children

and

ours,

for

black

and

for

white,

for

revolutionary

and

conservative?

have

they

forgotten

that

my

ministry

is

in

obedience

to

the

one

who

loved

his

enemies

so

fully

that

he

died

for

them?

what

then

can

i

say

to

the

vietcong

or

to

castro

or

to

mao

as

a

faithful

minister

of

this

one?

can

i

threaten

them

with

death

or

must

i

not

share

with

them

my

life?

and

finally,

as

i

try

to

explain

for

you

and

for

myself

the

road

that

leads

from

montgomery

to

this

place

i

would

have

offered

all

that

was

most

valid

if

i

simply

said

that

i

must

be

true

to

my

conviction

that

i

share

with

all

men

the

calling

to

be

a

son

of

the

living

god.

beyond

the

calling

of

race

or

nation

or

creed

is

this

vocation

of

sonship

and

brotherhood,

and

because

i

believe

that

the

father

is

deeply

concerned

especially

for

his

suffering

and

helpless

and

outcast

children,

i

come

tonight

to

speak

for

them.

this

i

believe

to

be

the

privilege

and

the

burden

of

all

of

us

who

deem

ourselves

bound

by

allegiances

and

loyalties

which

are

broader

and

deeper

than

nationalism

and

which

go

beyond

our

nation's

self-defined

goals

and

positions.

we

are

called

to

speak

for

the

weak,

for

the

voiceless,

for

the

victims

of

our

nation

and

for

those

it

calls

“enemy,”

for

no

document

from

human

hands

can

make

these

humans

any

less

our

brothers.

and

as

i

ponder

the

madness

of

vietnam

and

search

within

myself

for

ways

to

understand

and

respond

in

compassion,

my

mind

goes

constantly

to

the

people

of

that

peninsula.

i

speak

now

not

of

the

soldiers

of

each

side,

not

of

the

ideologies

of

the

liberation

front,

not

of

the

junta

in

saigon,

but

simply

of

the

people

who

have

been

living

under

the

curse

of

war

for

almost

three

continuous

decades

now.

i

think

of

them,

too,

because

it

is

clear

to

me

that

there

will

be

no

meaningful

solution

there

until

some

attempt

is

made

to

know

them

and

hear

their

broken

cries.

they

must

see

americans

as

strange

liberators.

the

vietnamese

people

proclaimed

their

own

independence

*in

1954*

--

in

1945

*rather*

--

after

a

combined

french

and

japanese

occupation

and

before

the

communist

revolution

in

china.

they

were

led

by

ho

chi

minh.

even

though

they

quoted

the

american

declaration

of

independence

in

their

own

document

of

freedom,

we

refused

to

recognize

them.

instead,

we

decided

to

support

france

in

its

reconquest

of

her

former

colony.

our

government

felt

then

that

the

vietnamese

people

were

not

ready

for

independence,

and

we

again

fell

victim

to

the

deadly

western

arrogance

that

has

poisoned

the

international

atmosphere

for

so

long.

with

that

tragic

decision

we

rejected

a

revolutionary

government

seeking

self-determination

and

a

government

that

had

been

established

not

by

china

--

for

whom

the

vietnamese

have

no

great

love

--

but

by

clearly

indigenous

forces

that

included

some

communists.

for

the

peasants

this

new

government

meant

real

land

reform,

one

of

the

most

important

needs

in

their

lives.

for

nine

years

following

1945

we

denied

the

people

of

vietnam

the

right

of

independence.

for

nine

years

we

vigorously

supported

the

french

in

their

abortive

effort

to

recolonize

vietnam.

before

the

end

of

the

war

we

were

meeting

eighty

percent

of

the

french

war

costs.

even

before

the

french

were

defeated

at

dien

bien

phu,

they

began

to

despair

of

their

reckless

action,

but

we

did

not.

we

encouraged

them

with

our

huge

financial

and

military

supplies

to

continue

the

war

even

after

they

had

lost

the

will.

soon

we

would

be

paying

almost

the

full

costs

of

this

tragic

attempt

at

recolonization.

after

the

french

were

defeated,

it

looked

as

if

independence

and

land

reform

would

come

again

through

the

geneva

agreement.

but

instead

there

came

the

united

states,

determined

that

ho

should

not

unify

the

temporarily

divided

nation,

and

the

peasants

watched

again

as

we

supported

one

of

the

most

vicious

modern

dictators,

our

chosen

man,

premier

diem.

the

peasants

watched

and

cringed

as

diem

ruthlessly

rooted

out

all

opposition,

supported

their

extortionist

landlords,

and

refused

even

to

discuss

reunification

with

the

north.

the

peasants

watched

as

all

this

was

presided

over

by

united

states'

influence

and

then

by

increasing

numbers

of

united

states

troops

who

came

to

help

quell

the

insurgency

that

diem's

methods

had

aroused.

when

diem

was

overthrown

they

may

have

been

happy,

but

the

long

line

of

military

dictators

seemed

to

offer

no

real

change,

especially

in

terms

of

their

need

for

land

and

peace.

the

only

change

came

from

america,

as

we

increased

our

troop

commitments

in

support

of

governments

which

were

singularly

corrupt,

inept,

and

without

popular

support.

all

the

while

the

people

read

our

leaflets

and

received

the

regular

promises

of

peace

and

democracy

and

land

reform.

now

they

languish

under

our

bombs

and

consider

us,

not

their

fellow

vietnamese,

the

real

enemy.

they

move

sadly

and

apathetically

as

we

herd

them

off

the

land

of

their

fathers

into

concentration

camps

where

minimal

social

needs

are

rarely

met.

they

know

they

must

move

on

or

be

destroyed

by

our

bombs.

so

they

go,

primarily

women

and

children

and

the

aged.

they

watch

as

we

poison

their

water,

as

we

kill

a

million

acres

of

their

crops.

they

must

weep

as

the

bulldozers

roar

through

their

areas

preparing

to

destroy

the

precious

trees.

they

wander

into

the

hospitals

with

at

least

twenty

casualties

from

american

firepower

for

one

vietcong-inflicted

injury.

so

far

we

may

have

killed

a

million

of

them,

mostly

children.

they

wander

into

the

towns

and

see

thousands

of

the

children,

homeless,

without

clothes,

running

in

packs

on

the

streets

like

animals.

they

see

the

children

degraded

by

our

soldiers

as

they

beg

for

food.

they

see

the

children

selling

their

sisters

to

our

soldiers,

soliciting

for

their

mothers.

what

do

the

peasants

think

as

we

ally

ourselves

with

the

landlords

and

as

we

refuse

to

put

any

action

into

our

many

words

concerning

land

reform?

what

do

they

think

as

we

test

out

our

latest

weapons

on

them,

just

as

the

germans

tested

out

new

medicine

and

new

tortures

in

the

concentration

camps

of

europe?

where

are

the

roots

of

the

independent

vietnam

we

claim

to

be

building?

is

it

among

these

voiceless

ones?

we

have

destroyed

their

two

most

cherished

institutions:

the

family

and

the

village.

we

have

destroyed

their

land

and

their

crops.

we

have

cooperated

in

the

crushing

of

the

nation's

only

noncommunist

revolutionary

political

force,

the

unified

buddhist

church.

we

have

supported

the

enemies

of

the

peasants

of

saigon.

we

have

corrupted

their

women

and

children

and

killed

their

men.

now

there

is

little

left

to

build

on,

save

bitterness.

*soon

the

only

solid

physical

foundations

remaining

will

be

found

at

our

military

bases

and

in

the

concrete

of

the

concentration

camps

we

call

“fortified

hamlets.”

the

peasants

may

well

wonder

if

we

plan

to

build

our

new

vietnam

on

such

grounds

as

these.

could

we

blame

them

for

such

thoughts?

we

must

speak

for

them

and

raise

the

questions

they

cannot

raise.

these,

too,

are

our

brothers.

perhaps

a

more

difficult

but

no

less

necessary

task

is

to

speak

for

those

who

have

been

designated

as

our

enemies.*

what

of

the

national

liberation

front,

that

strangely

anonymous

group

we

call

“vc”

or

“communists”?

what

must

they

think

of

the

united

states

of

america

when

they

realize

that

we

permitted

the

repression

and

cruelty

of

diem,

which

helped

to

bring

them

into

being

as

a

resistance

group

in

the

south?

what

do

they

think

of

our

condoning

the

violence

which

led

to

their

own

taking

up

of

arms?

how

can

they

believe

in

our

integrity

when

now

we

speak

of

“aggression

from

the

north”

as

if

there

were

nothing

more

essential

to

the

war?

how

can

they

trust

us

when

now

we

charge

them

with

violence

after

the

murderous

reign

of

diem

and

charge

them

with

violence

while

we

pour

every

new

weapon

of

death

into

their

land?

surely

we

must

understand

their

feelings,

even

if

we

do

not

condone

their

actions.

surely

we

must

see

that

the

men

we

supported

pressed

them

to

their

violence.

surely

we

must

see

that

our

own

computerized

plans

of

destruction

simply

dwarf

their

greatest

acts.

how

do

they

judge

us

when

our

officials

know

that

their

membership

is

less

than

twenty-five

percent

communist,

and

yet

insist

on

giving

them

the

blanket

name?

what

must

they

be

thinking

when

they

know

that

we

are

aware

of

their

control

of

major

sections

of

vietnam,

and

yet

we

appear

ready

to

allow

national

elections

in

which

this

highly

organized

political

parallel

government

will

not

have

a

part?

they

ask

how

we

can

speak

of

free

elections

when

the

saigon

press

is

censored

and

controlled

by

the

military

junta.

and

they

are

surely

right

to

wonder

what

kind

of

new

government

we

plan

to

help

form

without

them,

the

only

party

in

real

touch

with

the

peasants.

they

question

our

political

goals

and

they

deny

the

reality

of

a

peace

settlement

from

which

they

will

be

excluded.

their

questions

are

frighteningly

relevant.

is

our

nation

planning

to

build

on

political

myth

again,

and

then

shore

it

up

upon

the

power

of

new

violence?

here

is

the

true

meaning

and

value

of

compassion

and

nonviolence,

when

it

helps

us

to

see

the

enemy's

point

of

view,

to

hear

his

questions,

to

know

his

assessment

of

ourselves.

for

from

his

view

we

may

indeed

see

the

basic

weaknesses

of

our

own

condition,

and

if

we

are

mature,

we

may

learn

and

grow

and

profit

from

the

wisdom

of

the

brothers

who

are

called

the

opposition.

so,

too,

with

hanoi.

in

the

north,

where

our

bombs

now

pummel

the

land,

and

our

mines

endanger

the

waterways,

we

are

met

by

a

deep

but

understandable

mistrust.

to

speak

for

them

is

to

explain

this

lack

of

confidence

in

western

words,

and

especially

their

distrust

of

american

intentions

now.

in

hanoi

are

the

men

who

led

the

nation

to

independence

against

the

japanese

and

the

french,

the

men

who

sought

membership

in

the

french

commonwealth

and

were

betrayed

by

the

weakness

of

paris

and

the

willfulness

of

the

colonial

armies.

it

was

they

who

led

a

second

struggle

against

french

domination

at

tremendous

costs,

and

then

were

persuaded

to

give

up

the

land

they

controlled

between

the

thirteenth

and

seventeenth

parallel

as

a

temporary

measure

at

geneva.

after

1954

they

watched

us

conspire

with

diem

to

prevent

elections

which

could

have

surely

brought

ho

chi

minh

to

power

over

a

united

vietnam,

and

they

realized

they

had

been

betrayed

again.

when

we

ask

why

they

do

not

leap

to

negotiate,

these

things

must

be

remembered.

also,

it

must

be

clear

that

the

leaders

of

hanoi

considered

the

presence

of

american

troops

in

support

of

the

diem

regime

to

have

been

the

initial

military

breach

of

the

geneva

agreement

concerning

foreign

troops.

they

remind

us

that

they

did

not

begin

to

send

troops

in

large

numbers

and

even

supplies

into

the

south

until

american

forces

had

moved

into

the

tens

of

thousands.

hanoi

remembers

how

our

leaders

refused

to

tell

us

the

truth

about

the

earlier

north

vietnamese

overtures

for

peace,

how

the

president

claimed

that

none

existed

when

they

had

clearly

been

made.

ho

chi

minh

has

watched

as

america

has

spoken

of

peace

and

built

up

its

forces,

and

now

he

has

surely

heard

the

increasing

international

rumors

of

american

plans

for

an

invasion

of

the

north.

he

knows

the

bombing

and

shelling

and

mining

we

are

doing

are

part

of

traditional

pre-invasion

strategy.

perhaps

only

his

sense

of

humor

and

of

irony

can

save

him

when

he

hears

the

most

powerful

nation

of

the

world

speaking

of

aggression

as

it

drops

thousands

of

bombs

on

a

poor,

weak

nation

more

than

*eight

hundred,

or

rather,*

eight

thousand

miles

away

from

its

shores.

at

this

point

i

should

make

it

clear

that

while

i

have

tried

in

these

last

few

minutes

to

give

a

voice

to

the

voiceless

in

vietnam

and

to

understand

the

arguments

of

those

who

are

called

“enemy,”

i

am

as

deeply

concerned

about

our

own

troops

there

as

anything

else.

for

it

occurs

to

me

that

what

we

are

submitting

them

to

in

vietnam

is

not

simply

the

brutalizing

process

that

goes

on

in

any

war

where

armies

face

each

other

and

seek

to

destroy.

we

are

adding

cynicism

to

the

process

of

death,

for

they

must

know

after

a

short

period

there

that

none

of

the

things

we

claim

to

be

fighting

for

are

really

involved.

before

long

they

must

know

that

their

government

has

sent

them

into

a

struggle

among

vietnamese,

and

the

more

sophisticated

surely

realize

that

we

are

on

the

side

of

the

wealthy,

and

the

secure,

while

we

create

a

hell

for

the

poor.

somehow

this

madness

must

cease.

we

must

stop

now.

i

speak

as

a

child

of

god

and

brother

to

the

suffering

poor

of

vietnam.

i

speak

for

those

whose

land

is

being

laid

waste,

whose

homes

are

being

destroyed,

whose

culture

is

being

subverted.

i

speak

for

the

poor

of

america

who

are

paying

the

double

price

of

smashed

hopes

at

home,

and

death

and

corruption

in

vietnam.

i

speak

as

a

citizen

of

the

world,

for

the

world

as

it

stands

aghast

at

the

path

we

have

taken.

i

speak

as

one

who

loves

america,

to

the

leaders

of

our

own

nation:

the

great

initiative

in

this

war

is

ours;

the

initiative

to

stop

it

must

be

ours.

this

is

the

message

of

the

great

buddhist

leaders

of

vietnam.

recently

one

of

them

wrote

these

words,

and

i

quote:

each

day

the

war

goes

on

the

hatred

increases

in

the

heart

of

the

vietnamese

and

in

the

hearts

of

those

of

humanitarian

instinct.

the

americans

are

forcing

even

their

friends

into

becoming

their

enemies.

it

is

curious

that

the

americans,

who

calculate

so

carefully

on

the

possibilities

of

military

victory,

do

not

realize

that

in

the

process

they

are

incurring

deep

psychological

and

political

defeat.

the

image

of

america

will

never

again

be

the

image

of

revolution,

freedom,

and

democracy,

but

the

image

of

violence

and

militarism

(unquote).

if

we

continue,

there

will

be

no

doubt

in

my

mind

and

in

the

mind

of

the

world

that

we

have

no

honorable

intentions

in

vietnam.

if

we

do

not

stop

our

war

against

the

people

of

vietnam

immediately,

the

world

will

be

left

with

no

other

alternative

than

to

see

this

as

some

horrible,

clumsy,

and

deadly

game

we

have

decided

to

play.

the

world

now

demands

a

maturity

of

america

that

we

may

not

be

able

to

achieve.

it

demands

that

we

admit

that

we

have

been

wrong

from

the

beginning

of

our

adventure

in

vietnam,

that

we

have

been

detrimental

to

the

life

of

the

vietnamese

people.

the

situation

is

one

in

which

we

must

be

ready

to

turn

sharply

from

our

present

ways.

in

order

to

atone

for

our

sins

and

errors

in

vietnam,

we

should

take

the

initiative

in

bringing

a

halt

to

this

tragic

war.

*i

would

like

to

suggest

five

concrete

things

that

our

government

should

do

immediately

to

begin

the

long

and

difficult

process

of

extricating

ourselves

from

this

nightmarish

conflict:

number

one:

end

all

bombing

in

north

and

south

vietnam.

number

two:

declare

a

unilateral

cease-fire

in

the

hope

that

such

action

will

create

the

atmosphere

for

negotiation.

three:

take

immediate

steps

to

prevent

other

battlegrounds

in

southeast

asia

by

curtailing

our

military

buildup

in

thailand

and

our

interference

in

laos.

four:

realistically

accept

the

fact

that

the

national

liberation

front

has

substantial

support

in

south

vietnam

and

must

thereby

play

a

role

in

any

meaningful

negotiations

and

any

future

vietnam

government.

five:

*set

a

date

that

we

will

remove

all

foreign

troops

from

vietnam

in

accordance

with

the

1954

geneva

agreement.

part

of

our

ongoing...part

of

our

ongoing

commitment

might

well

express

itself

in

an

offer

to

grant

asylum

to

any

vietnamese

who

fears

for

his

life

under

a

new

regime

which

included

the

liberation

front.

then

we

must

make

what

reparations

we

can

for

the

damage

we

have

done.

we

must

provide

the

medical

aid

that

is

badly

needed,

making

it

available

in

this

country,

if

necessary.

meanwhile...

meanwhile,

we

in

the

churches

and

synagogues

have

a

continuing

task

while

we

urge

our

government

to

disengage

itself

from

a

disgraceful

commitment.

we

must

continue

to

raise

our

voices

and

our

lives

if

our

nation

persists

in

its

perverse

ways

in

vietnam.

we

must

be

prepared

to

match

actions

with

words

by

seeking

out

every

creative

method

of

protest

possible.

*as

we

counsel

young

men

concerning

military

service,

we

must

clarify

for

them

our

nation's

role

in

vietnam

and

challenge

them

with

the

alternative

of

conscientious

objection.

i

am

pleased

to

say

that

this

is

a

path

now

chosen

by

more

than

seventy

students

at

my

own

alma

mater,

morehouse

college,

and

i

recommend

it

to

all

who

find

the

american

course

in

vietnam

a

dishonorable

and

unjust

one.

moreover,

i

would

encourage

all

ministers

of

draft

age

to

give

up

their

ministerial

exemptions

and

seek

status

as

conscientious

objectors.*

these

are

the

times

for

real

choices

and

not

false

ones.

we

are

at

the

moment

when

our

lives

must

be

placed

on

the

line

if

our

nation

is

to

survive

its

own

folly.

every

man

of

humane

convictions

must

decide

on

the

protest

that

best

suits

his

convictions,

but

we

must

all

protest.

now

there

is

something

seductively

tempting

about

stopping

there

and

sending

us

all

off

on

what

in

some

circles

has

become

a

popular

crusade

against

the

war

in

vietnam.

i

say

we

must

enter

that

struggle,

but

i

wish

to

go

on

now

to

say

something

even

more

disturbing.

the

war

in

vietnam

is

but

a

symptom

of

a

far

deeper

malady

within

the

american

spirit,

and

if

we

ignore

this

sobering

reality...and

if

we

ignore

this

sobering

reality,

we

will

find

ourselves

organizing

“clergy

and

laymen

concerned”

committees

for

the

next

generation.

they

will

be

concerned

about

guatemala

and

peru.

they

will

be

concerned

about

thailand

and

cambodia.

they

will

be

concerned

about

mozambique

and

south

africa.

we

will

be

marching

for

these

and

a

dozen

other

names

and

attending

rallies

without

end,

unless

there

is

a

significant

and

profound

change

in

american

life

and

policy.

and

so,

such

thoughts

take

us

beyond

vietnam,

but

not

beyond

our

calling

as

sons

of

the

living

god.

in

1957,

a

sensitive

american

official

overseas

said

that

it

seemed

to

him

that

our

nation

was

on

the

wrong

side

of

a

world

revolution.

during

the

past

ten

years,

we

have

seen

emerge

a

pattern

of

suppression

which

has

now

justified

the

presence

of

u.s.

military

advisors

in

venezuela.

this

need

to

maintain

social

stability

for

our

investments

accounts

for

the

counterrevolutionary

action

of

american

forces

in

guatemala.

it

tells

why

american

helicopters

are

being

used

against

guerrillas

in

cambodia

and

why

american

napalm

and

green

beret

forces

have

already

been

active

against

rebels

in

peru.

it

is

with

such

activity

in

mind

that

the

words

of

the

late

john

f.

kennedy

come

back

to

haunt

us.

five

years

ago

he

said,

“those

who

make

peaceful

revolution

impossible

will

make

violent

revolution

inevitable.”

increasingly,

by

choice

or

by

accident,

this

is

the

role

our

nation

has

taken,

the

role

of

those

who

make

peaceful

revolution

impossible

by

refusing

to

give

up

the

privileges

and

the

pleasures

that

come

from

the

immense

profits

of

overseas

investments.

i

am

convinced

that

if

we

are

to

get

on

the

right

side

of

the

world

revolution,

we

as

a

nation

must

undergo

a

radical

revolution

of

values.

we

must

rapidly

begin...we

must

rapidly

begin

the

shift

from

a

thing-oriented

society

to

a

person-oriented

society.

when

machines

and

computers,

profit

motives

and

property

rights,

are

considered

more

important

than

people,

the

giant

triplets

of

racism,

extreme

materialism,

and

militarism

are

incapable

of

being

conquered.

a

true

revolution

of

values

will

soon

cause

us

to

question

the

fairness

and

justice

of

many

of

our

past

and

present

policies.

on

the

one

hand,

we

are

called

to

play

the

good

samaritan

on

life's

roadside,

but

that

will

be

only

an

initial

act.

one

day

we

must

come

to

see

that

the

whole

jericho

road

must

be

transformed

so

that

men

and

women

will

not

be

constantly

beaten

and

robbed

as

they

make

their

journey

on

life's

highway.

true

compassion

is

more

than

flinging

a

coin

to

a

beggar.

it

comes

to

see

that

an

edifice

which

produces

beggars

needs

restructuring.

a

true

revolution

of

values

will

soon

look

uneasily

on

the

glaring

contrast

of

poverty

and

wealth.

with

righteous

indignation,

it

will

look

across

the

seas

and

see

individual

capitalists

of

the

west

investing

huge

sums

of

money

in

asia,

africa,

and

south

america,

only

to

take

the

profits

out

with

no

concern

for

the

social

betterment

of

the

countries,

and

say,

“this

is

not

just.”

it

will

look

at

our

alliance

with

the

landed

gentry

of

south

america

and

say,

“this

is

not

just.”

the

western

arrogance

of

feeling

that

it

has

everything

to

teach

others

and

nothing

to

learn

from

them

is

not

just.

a

true

revolution

of

values

will

lay

hand

on

the

world

order

and

say

of

war,

“this

way

of

settling

differences

is

not

just.”

this

business

of

burning

human

beings

with

napalm,

of

filling

our

nation's

homes

with

orphans

and

widows,

of

injecting

poisonous

drugs

of

hate

into

the

veins

of

peoples

normally

humane,

of

sending

men

home

from

dark

and

bloody

battlefields

physically

handicapped

and

psychologically

deranged,

cannot

be

reconciled

with

wisdom,

justice,

and

love.

a

nation

that

continues

year

after

year

to

spend

more

money

on

military

defense

than

on

programs

of

social

uplift

is

approaching

spiritual

death.

america,

the

richest

and

most

powerful

nation

in

the

world,

can

well

lead

the

way

in

this

revolution

of

values.

there

is

nothing

except

a

tragic

death

wish

to

prevent

us

from

reordering

our

priorities

so

that

the

pursuit

of

peace

will

take

precedence

over

the

pursuit

of

war.

there

is

nothing

to

keep

us

from

molding

a

recalcitrant

status

quo

with

bruised

hands

until

we

have

fashioned

it

into

a

brotherhood.

*this

kind

of

positive

revolution

of

values

is

our

best

defense

against

communism.

war

is

not

the

answer.

communism

will

never

be

defeated

by

the

use

of

atomic

bombs

or

nuclear

weapons.

let

us

not

join

those

who

shout

war

and,

through

their

misguided

passions,

urge

the

united

states

to

relinquish

its

participation

in

the

united

nations.*

these

are

days

which

demand

wise

restraint

and

calm

reasonableness.

*we

must

not

engage

in

a

negative

anticommunism,

but

rather

in

a

positive

thrust

for

democracy,

realizing

that

our

greatest

defense

against

communism

is

to

take

offensive

action

in

behalf

of

justice.

we

must

with

positive

action

seek

to

remove

those

conditions

of

poverty,

insecurity,

and

injustice,

which

are

the

fertile

soil

in

which

the

seed

of

communism

grows

and

develops.*

these

are

revolutionary

times.

all

over

the

globe

men

are

revolting

against

old

systems

of

exploitation

and

oppression,

and

out

of

the

wounds

of

a

frail

world,

new

systems

of

justice

and

equality

are

being

born.

the

shirtless

and

barefoot

people

of

the

land

are

rising

up

as

never

before.

the

people

who

sat

in

darkness

have

seen

a

great

light.

we

in

the

west

must

support

these

revolutions.

it

is

a

sad

fact

that

because

of

comfort,

complacency,

a

morbid

fear

of

communism,

and

our

proneness

to

adjust

to

injustice,

the

western

nations

that

initiated

so

much

of

the

revolutionary

spirit

of

the

modern

world

have

now

become

the

arch

antirevolutionaries.

this

has

driven

many

to

feel

that

only

marxism

has

a

revolutionary

spirit.

therefore,

communism

is

a

judgment

against

our

failure

to

make

democracy

real

and

follow

through

on

the

revolutions

that

we

initiated.

our

only

hope

today

lies

in

our

ability

to

recapture

the

revolutionary

spirit

and

go

out

into

a

sometimes

hostile

world

declaring

eternal

hostility

to

poverty,

racism,

and

militarism.

with

this

powerful

commitment

we

shall

boldly

challenge

the

status

quo

and

unjust

mores,

and

thereby

speed

the

day

when

“every

valley

shall

be

exalted,

and

every

mountain

and

hill

shall

be

made

low,

and

the

crooked

shall

be

made

straight,

and

the

rough

places

plain.”

a

genuine

revolution

of

values

means

in

the

final

analysis

that

our

loyalties

must

become

ecumenical

rather

than

sectional.

every

nation

must

now

develop

an

overriding

loyalty

to

mankind

as

a

whole

in

order

to

preserve

the

best

in

their

individual

societies.

this

call

for

a

worldwide

fellowship

that

lifts

neighborly

concern

beyond

one's

tribe,

race,

class,

and

nation

is

in

reality

a

call

for

an

all-embracing

and

unconditional

love

for

all

mankind.

this

oft

misunderstood,

this

oft

misinterpreted

concept,

so

readily

dismissed

by

the

nietzsches

of

the

world

as

a

weak

and

cowardly

force,

has

now

become

an

absolute

necessity

for

the

survival

of

man.

when

i

speak

of

love

i

am

not

speaking

of

some

sentimental

and

weak

response.

i

am

not

speaking

of

that

force

which

is

just

emotional

bosh.

i

am

speaking

of

that

force

which

all

of

the

great

religions

have

seen

as

the

supreme

unifying

principle

of

life.

love

is

somehow

the

key

that

unlocks

the

door

which

leads

to

ultimate

reality.

this

hindu-muslim-christian-jewish-buddhist

belief

about

ultimate

reality

is

beautifully

summed

up

in

the

first

epistle

of

saint

john:

“let

us

love

one

another,

for

love

is

god.

and

every

one

that

loveth

is

born

of

god

and

knoweth

god.

he

that

loveth

not

knoweth

not

god,

for

god

is

love.”

“if

we

love

one

another,

god

dwelleth

in

us

and

his

love

is

perfected

in

us.”

let

us

hope

that

this

spirit

will

become

the

order

of

the

day.

we

can

no

longer

afford

to

worship

the

god

of

hate

or

bow

before

the

altar

of

retaliation.

the

oceans

of

history

are

made

turbulent

by

the

ever-rising

tides

of

hate.

and

history

is

cluttered

with

the

wreckage

of

nations

and

individuals

that

pursued

this

self-defeating

path

of

hate.

as

arnold

toynbee

says:

“love

is

the

ultimate

force

that

makes

for

the

saving

choice

of

life

and

good

against

the

damning

choice

of

death

and

evil.

therefore

the

first

hope

in

our

inventory

must

be

the

hope

that

love

is

going

to

have

the

last

word”

(unquote).

we

are

now

faced

with

the

fact,

my

friends,

that

tomorrow

is

today.

we

are

confronted

with

the

fierce

urgency

of

now.

in

this

unfolding

conundrum

of

life

and

history,

there

is

such

a

thing

as

being

too

late.

procrastination

is

still

the

thief

of

time.

life

often

leaves

us

standing

bare,

naked,

and

dejected

with

a

lost

opportunity.

the

tide

in

the

affairs

of

men

does

not

remain

at

flood

--

it

ebbs.

we

may

cry

out

desperately

for

time

to

pause

in

her

passage,

but

time

is

adamant

to

every

plea

and

rushes

on.

over

the

bleached

bones

and

jumbled

residues

of

numerous

civilizations

are

written

the

pathetic

words,

“too

late.”

there

is

an

invisible

book

of

life

that

faithfully

records

our

vigilance

or

our

neglect.

omar

khayyam

is

right:

“the

moving

finger

writes,

and

having

writ

moves

on.”

we

still

have

a

choice

today:

nonviolent

coexistence

or

violent

coannihilation.

we

must

move

past

indecision

to

action.

we

must

find

new

ways

to

speak

for

peace

in

vietnam

and

justice

throughout

the

developing

world,

a

world

that

borders

on

our

doors.

if

we

do

not

act,

we

shall

surely

be

dragged

down

the

long,

dark,

and

shameful

corridors

of

time

reserved

for

those

who

possess

power

without

compassion,

might

without

morality,

and

strength

without

sight.

now

let

us

begin.

now

let

us

rededicate

ourselves

to

the

long

and

bitter,

but

beautiful,

struggle

for

a

new

world.

this

is

the

calling

of

the

sons

of

god,

and

our

brothers

wait

eagerly

for

our

response.

shall

we

say

the

odds

are

too

great?

shall

we

tell

them

the

struggle

is

too

hard?

will

our

message

be

that

the

forces

of

american

life

militate

against

their

arrival

as

full

men,

and

we

send

our

deepest

regrets?

or

will

there

be

another

message

--

of

longing,

of

hope,

of

solidarity

with

their

yearnings,

of

commitment

to

their

cause,

whatever

the

cost?

the

choice

is

ours,

and

though

we

might

prefer

it

otherwise,

we

must

choose

in

this

crucial

moment

of

human

history.

as

that

noble

bard

of

yesterday,

james

russell

lowell,

eloquently

stated:

once

to

every

man

and

nation

comes

a

moment

to

decide,

in

the

strife

of

truth

and

falsehood,

for

the

good

or

evil

side;

some

great

cause,

god's

new

messiah

offering

each

the

bloom

or

blight,

and

the

choice

goes

by

forever

'twixt

that

darkness

and

that

light.

though

the

cause

of

evil

prosper,

yet

'tis

truth

alone

is

strong

though

her

portions

be

the

scaffold,

and

upon

the

throne

be

wrong

yet

that

scaffold

sways

the

future,

and

behind

the

dim

unknown

standeth

god

within

the

shadow,

keeping

watch

above

his

own.

and

if

we

will

only

make

the

right

choice,

we

will

be

able

to

transform

this

pending

cosmic

elegy

into

a

creative

psalm

of

peace.

if

we

will

make

the

right

choice,

we

will

be

able

to

transform

the

jangling

discords

of

our

world

into

a

beautiful

symphony

of

brotherhood.

if

we

will

but

make

the

right

choice,

we

will

be

able

to

speed

up

the

day,

all

over

america

and

all

over

the

world,

when

justice

will

roll

down

like

waters,

and

righteousness

like

a

mighty

stream.

篇2：第一次打破沉寂作文

第一次打破沉寂作文

人生有很多的第一次，第一次炒菜、第一次骑车、第一次洗碗……但是，时时萦绕于心的还是第一次打破沉寂了……

那是张老师上《山中访友》时，提了一个问题：“作者在山中都拜访了哪些“朋友”？刚刚还在吵闹的教室，霎时间鸦雀无声：有的右手托着下巴，皱着眉头，好像在深沉地思考；有的把课本翻来翻去，想从书中寻找答案；还有的甚至是呆呆地望着老师，像是能在老师脸上看出些什么发现……由于我昨天预习过课文的内容，还做了笔记，所以我很想举手发言，可是我很害羞，一会儿左手捏着右手，右手又摸着左手，一会儿双手紧握着，手上渗满了汗水，一直举不起来，像是上面压了几十万吨的重物似的。我内心很纠结：到底要不要举手呢？如果举手，答错了怎么办？如果不举手，就又失去了一个锻炼自己的机会。这让我左右为难。十秒过去了，十五秒过去了……班里跟往常一样静得只能听到大家的呼吸声。老师见我们还是没有一点动静，便引导我们：“发言是展示自我，要知道：成功从举手开始。”听了老师的.一番话，我鼓起勇气，挺直腰杆，紧张地望了望老师和同学，缓缓地把手向上举高了一点，然后把手快速地放在脑上，装出一副抓耳挠腮的样子，正准备把手举高的时候，老师向这边看过来了。无奈，我只好又把手“啪”地一声放下去了。一分钟过去了，老师又说道：“如果大家不讲，这个锻炼的机会就给老师啰！”“不，我来说”，一个声音响起。大家循声望过去。只见我“勇敢”地举起了手，涨红了脸。“好，你来！”老师指着我。我腼腆地站起来，用清晰但有点颤抖的声音回答了问题：作者在——山中——拜访了——老桥、山泉、瀑布，'嗯'——悬崖、白云和云雀……

从此，每当听见老师提问，我总会情不自禁地想起第一次打破沉寂，自豪地举起手……

篇3：让阅读课打破沉寂

。（或许你们喜欢，但我不是）一个学生猜是“National Day ”。（国庆节）我跟他说“the answer is close to the right one”。（答案已经接近了）“It must be Children’s Day.”（那一定是儿童节了）另一个学生说。然后我告诉他们我最盼望的是Spring Festival.（春节）“We can enjoy delicious food such as meat and fish. We can wear new clothes and get lucky money. That is the happiest day for most children then.”这样我们就引出了本堂阅读课的关键词“Festival”（节日）。

在轻松而有目的的交流后，我让学生想象与Festival有关的词汇，可以自己搜索已经学过的单词，也可以学生之间交流，还可以查阅字典。学生们很活跃，为找到和知道一个与“节日”有关的单词而兴奋。我们进行了小组竞赛，看哪一组找到的词汇最多最快。我还让学生列举出他们所知道的节日有哪些。平时一贯沉寂的课堂像煮开了锅一样，气氛异常活跃。

 接着，我交代了今天要学习的课题是节日和庆典。我让学生想象如果他们是作者的话会写些什么。学生们纷纷发言。有的说会介绍一些节日和人们如何庆祝这些节日，有的说会介绍这些节日的起源，还有的说会谈谈人们为什么要庆祝这些节日。通过进行假设，我让学生对课文有了一个预先的感知。让学生带着疑问去看课文，看看自己有没有猜对。做好了这些铺垫工作以后我针对整篇课文给学生提出四个问题，在阅读教材的基础上，让学生分组讨论这四个问题。

1. How many sections the passage can be divided into ?

2. why does India have a national festival on October 2?

3. why are autumn festivals happy events?

4. why do people want to celebrate the festivals?

让学生带着问题阅读时，我省略了先浏览，找出主旨大意，然后在细读的传统做法，而是一开始就给了学生很有深度的四个问题，问题的来源来源于短文的原句，仅仅在前面加上了一个“Why ”。学生很快就在课文中找到了相关的答案。每个问题都涉及到了关键性的词汇：

 问题1：划分be divided into部分 section

 问题2；纪念 in honour of国家的 national

 问题3：感激的 grateful收集gather农业的agricultural

问题4：为……感到自豪be proud of日常的 daily



篇4：第一次打破沉寂作文

人生有很多的第一次，第一次炒菜、第一次骑车、第一次洗碗……但是，时时萦绕于心的还是第一次打破沉寂了……

那是张老师上《山中访友》时，提了一个问题：“作者在山中都拜访了哪些“朋友”？刚刚还在吵闹的教室，霎

篇5：第一次打破沉寂 [六年级]作文

作文]

人生有很多的

那是张老师上《山中访友》时，提了一个问题：“作者在山中都拜访了哪些“朋友”?刚刚还在吵闹的教室，霎

从此，每当听见老师提问，我总会情不自禁地想起第一次打破沉寂，自豪地举起手……

篇6：打破沉寂的号角--《寂静的春天》

打破沉寂的号角--《寂静的春天》

40多年前,当人们醉心于科技与经济飞速发展的时候,蕾切尔・卡逊发表了<寂静的.春天>,第一次指出滥用杀虫剂对生态和人自身的巨大危害.今天看来,她所批判的工业化、技术化社会对自然和自身不负责任的态度,依然具有伟大的现实意义.

篇7：关于名人励志演讲

马云

马云：大家好。我今天感到非常荣幸能来到这里和大家见面。大约几个月前，斯坦福邀请我来演讲。我没有意料到。很多人说因为所有关于雅虎，阿里巴 巴，和许多其他的新闻，这个时间点来这里演讲是非常的敏感。但是既然我做了一个承诺，我还是来了。今天如果你有任何问题要问我，我都会一一回答。

今天是我来美国的第15天，而且我打算在这里待上一年。这个计划没有人知道。甚至我的公司也不知道。大家问我为什么要来这里。要打算作收购雅虎的准备吗?不，大家都太敏感 了。我来这里是因为我累了。过去来太累了。我在1994年开创我的事业，发现了互联网，并为之疯狂，然后放弃了我的教师工作。那时候我觉得自己就像是蒙了眼睛骑在盲虎背上似的，一路摔摔打打，但依然奋斗着、生存着。在政府机关工作了16个月之后，建立了阿里巴巴。

我们还幸运地拥有着淘宝网，支付宝，阿里云和集团下其他的公司。所以， 建立阿里巴巴后的今天，我决定需要休息一段时间。尤其今年的挑战实在是太艰辛了，这也是我没有意料到的。中国人说每12年是一个本命年。阿里巴巴 今年在中国刚好是第12年，也遇上了许多棘手的问题，好比今年初因为供应商欺诈事件导致首席执行官辞职，还有VIE的问题，虽然我到现在仍然不知道什么是VIE，以及把淘宝分成四个公司的决策。所以，忙完所有这些事情之后我累了。我告诉自己，为什么不花个一年好好休息。尤其明年是我个人的本命年，肯定会比今年更辛苦。 我想要花多一点时间好好准备，迎接明年更艰苦更困难的挑战。我需要好好休息才能为3到4年后的挑战做好准备。这三年如果事情出了错，大家可以批评淘宝，阿里巴巴或阿里云的首席执行官。但是三年后，如果事情出了错，那就是我的错。所以我准备在美国花上一段时间好好思考和放松。前两天，我开始再次练习起高尔夫球，好好放松。所以，来美国的目的真的不像是大家揣测的这么复杂。

我们是一间非常幸运的公司。我没有任何的背景，没有富裕的父亲，也没有很有权势的叔伯们，根本不用想能够有成功的机会。我记得19来到硅谷寻找资金，跟很多风投、资本家接洽，也去了Menlo Park一带开会。但是没有人有兴趣投资阿里巴巴，我被一一回拒。回到了中国，一点资本都没拿到。但是，我充满了信心。我看到了美国梦。我看到硅谷的快速成长，我看到许多公司的停车场不管是白天或黑夜，周一到周日，都是停满了车。我相信那种快速的成长也会发生在中国。接着我创立阿里巴巴，12年过去了，到今天取得了很多的成绩。但在那之前，没有人相信B2B能够在中国发展。当时B2B美国有名的公司包括Ariba.com, Broadvision 和Commerce One，这些公司主要的客户都是大公司的买家们。没有人觉得中国近期内会有大公司的出现，而大公司也不会有电子商务的需求， 因为所有大公司都是归于政府，他们只需要配合政府的政策就可以。但我的信念是，我们必须要专注在小型公司，因为未来是私营企业的天下，所以我们必须把重点放在小型企业。

还有，美国大公司的B2B是非常专注于买家，美国的买家们需要许多建议来帮忙节省成本开销和时间。但是我相信中小企业们不需要这方面的帮忙，他 们比我们还厉害，懂得还多。我们应该专注于帮他们赚钱，把产品外销出去。当时我们也遇到很多挑战，但是12年过去了，今天全球有58万的小型企业都使用阿里巴巴来做生意。我们的生意模式跟腾讯或百度相比可能并不是十分吸引人，我们也并不靠网络游戏赚钱。但是我们晚上可以睡得安稳，因为我们知道我们赚的钱并不是从网络游戏上来的。我们的收入是靠帮助小企业们成长来的，这点我感到十分的骄傲。直到今天我都没有为阿里巴巴赚了多少钱而骄傲过，我为我们影响和帮助了其他人，尤其是小企业主而骄傲!

在互联网之前，没有人可以帮助超过5000万的中小企业。但是今天，我们正在努力这么做。人们会跟我说，马云，如果你能把阿里巴巴搞好，那相当于你将好几吨羊运到了喜马拉雅山顶上。我说，是的，我们还会把他们运下来。而且我们做到了。第二个公司是淘宝。大家都跟我说，天哪，你是在跟eBay竞争啊!我说，“为什么不?”中国需要一个电子商务网站。创建一个中国的网络交易市场需要时间跟精力。所以，那个时候人们告诉我在中国做这个没戏。我说， 如果你总是不尝试，你怎么知道没戏?所以我们就尝试了。我说如果eBay是大海里的鲨鱼，那我们就是长江里的扬子鳄。咱们不在大海里打架，我们在长江里练练。一开始很困难，但是很有乐趣。而且我们最后活下来了。一开始eBay占据了中国C2C市场的90%。但是到了今天，我们拥有中国C2C市场90%的份额。我们很幸运，真的只是幸运。很多事情以后我们还可以再讨论。

今天，.大家总是在写关于阿里巴巴的成功故事。但是我并不真的认为我们有多么聪明。我们犯了很多错误。当时我们还是很愚蠢的。所以我在想，如果哪天我要写关于阿里巴巴的书，我会写《阿里巴巴的一千零一个错误》。这才是大家应该记住的事情，应该学习的事情。如果你想知道其他人是怎么成功的，这是非常难的。成功有很多幸运的因素。但是如果你想学习别人是怎么失败的，你就会受益很多。我总喜欢看那些探讨人如何失败的书。因为，当你仔细去分析的时候，任何失败的公司，他们失败的原因总是不经相同。而这才是最重要的。所以淘宝成功了，接下来我们做了支付宝，因为大家都说中国没有信用体系，银行很糟糕，物流很糟糕，你为什么还要做电子商务?今天，我不是来这里跟大家说我的生意经的，我没有准备PPT，因为我没有股票要卖给大家。但是我想正因为中国的落后的物流、信用体系和银行，我们才需要有创业精神。这就是我们需要创建自己的蓝图。所以我相信这个事情是你先做了，然后慢慢地就成了中国的标准。我记得6年前当我来美国的时候，我说我相信5年以后，中国的网民人口会超过美国。人们说，不会的。然后我说，你们的人口才3亿。中国有13亿人口不是吗?如果让你们有4 亿人口，没有人口死亡，人们还要不停地生孩子，你们需要50年的时间。我们只需要5年时间，所以这只是一个时间的问题，不是吗?我们走着瞧。今天，中国网络用户的人口超过了美国。然后人们说为什么你们的购买力这么低?我们五年后在再说。今天，人均消费大概只有200人民币每月。5年以后，这些人会消费元。而且我们很有耐心。我们还很年轻。我是老了，但是我们员工的平均年龄才26岁。他们还很年轻，所以让我们期待未来。

当时做支付宝的时候，大家说这是一个很傻的担保服务。张三要从李四那里买点东西，但是张三不肯把钱汇给李四，李四也不肯把货给张三。所以我们就开了一个账户，跟张三说，把钱先汇给我，如果你对货物满意，那么我付钱，如果你不满意，你退货，我退钱给李四。人们说你的这个模式怎么这么傻啊?但是我们不关心这个模式是不是傻，我们关心的是客户是不是需要这样的服务。我们是不是满足了客户的需求。如果这东西很傻的话，今天中国就有超过6亿的注册用户在用这个傻东西。所以傻的东西，如果你每天都改善它一点，那么它就会变得非常聪明。所以今天支付宝很好，我们还在成长。支付宝跟Paypal很像，但是我从交易量来说，我们比Paypal更大。

最后，也是最重要的，是我们的阿里云计算，这个公司跟其他那些谈论云计算的公司不同。那些公司是想把他们的软件和硬件卖给你。但是我们没什么可以卖的。我们通过云技术对自己的数据进行计算。来自中小企业的数据，来自淘宝消费者的数据，以及来自支付宝的数据。我们相信未来。未来的世界将是信息处理的世界。我们将如何很好地与他人分享数据。这将是未来商业的核心。这个公司目前还不是很好，但是盈利能力很强。

整个公司都很健康。一开始人家说这个公司不可能成的，但是我们活下来了。我们很有耐心。我们总在问自己一个问题“为什么我们还要这么辛勤地工 作?有一天，我问我的同事，他告诉我，“Jack，我从来不知道我这辈子还能做这么多事情。第二，我从来不知道我现在做的事情对社会这么有意义。第三，我从来不知道生活是这么艰辛的。”我们没日没夜地工作，甚至是现在也是这样。我变得更瘦了，而且长相更奇怪了。我知道生活不是容易的事。我们很骄傲，我们在改变中国，而不是你挣了很多钱。

前，当我走在街上，有人跑过来感谢我，因为阿里巴巴帮他们得到了国外的订单、国外的生意。今天，当我走在街上，有人过来感谢我，说他和妻子在淘宝上开了个小店，以此为生，并且收入不错。这对我来说，意义重大。我们将诚信变得有价值(你的诚信是可以变成钱的)。许多年前，如果你有很好的信誉记录、交易记录，你可能还并不富有。今天，如果你在淘宝上有很好的信誉记录、交易记录，你将会非常富有，因为人们都愿意跟信誉好的店家做生意。我们教育消费者要聪明。有人来跟我说：马云，我在淘宝上买了个东西，非常非常便宜，你说这是假货么?是的，我们淘宝上有假货，假货在现实生活中无处不在。但是我们用了非常多的努力，大量的人力物力来对付这个问题，在淘宝，有50%的工作人员每天的工作是筛查侵权、伪冒商品。但是如果有一瓶红酒，在线下的商场里买要300美金，而在淘宝上只要9美金，为什么会这样?因为渠道、广告费用。为什么消费者要为这么多其他费用买单?我们帮消费者省了，所以我们跟消费者说，如果你在淘宝上买一件15块钱的T恤，而它在商场里要卖150块钱，那不是因为淘宝卖的太便宜了，那是因为商场里卖的太贵了。我们应该帮助消费者变的更聪明。

第三点，也是非常重要的一点，我们看见在中国有很多的工厂，尤其是在广东，他们其实是公司，并不仅仅是加工厂。他们仅仅是做代工，这些代工的产品之后就在淘宝上卖。他们不知道谁是他们的销售渠道，也不了解最终购买他们产品的客户。这种代工厂，在遇到有问题发生的时候(比如金融危机)，会马上陷入 困难。所以我们应该告诉这些生产者，你必须直接跟你的客户沟通，你应该自己去做销售，自己提供服务，这才是真正的做生意。否则，你就只是个工厂。我们正在改变这些工厂，扭转这种局面，我感到非常自豪。这与财富无关，因为如果你有一百万，你是个富有的人，但如果你有一千万，那你可能就有麻烦了。你会担心通货膨胀，于是你开始投资，接着你就可能遇到困难。如果你有10亿，那这就不是你个人的财富了，就是社会的财富了。你的股东、投资者，认为你应该比政府更能有效地使用这些钱。于是他们给你信任，那你要如何运用好这笔钱，对得起他们的信任呢?我觉得这是我们所面临的挑战。阿里巴巴的产品，其实并不是服务，是人， 是我们的员工。

我们员工的平均年龄是26岁。我们正面临着许许多多的挑战，这些是我曾经所没有意识到的。曾有一位政府高层来公司访问，他说马云，如果你们淘宝 有3亿用户，那就已经比我管理的国家还要大了。我说是的，这个管理的难度非常大。不管我们制定出什么新的政策，都会让我们遇到各种压力。但用户有抱怨的时候，就好像是对制定政策的政府不满似的。就是这些平均年龄26岁的员工，在制定着淘宝的“游戏规则”，我们从未有过这样的经历。如果我们改变一下，比如说做搜索引擎，传统的搜索引擎，会让卖的好、最便宜的排在前面，但我想，我们会让最有信用和信誉的排在最前面。之后，会有很多的人会去验证。有200个人来 到我们公司，跟我说，我们会为改变游戏规则而付出代价。我的回答是，如果这个改变是正确的，我们就要做下去。眼前的这个世界，也是我们改造出来的。我们不需要不能服务于人的项目。我们需要社会学家，经济学家，让这些人来制定我们的政策规则。所以我们还面临着许许多多的考验。但我们仍觉得骄傲，因为我相信在21世纪，如果你想做一家成功的公司，你需要学会的是如何解决社会上存在的某个问题，而不仅仅是学会如何抓住几个机会。抓住机会是非常容易的，我不是吹 牛，我觉得今天，在阿里巴巴成立12年后，我觉得赚钱非常容易，但是要稳定的赚钱，并且对社会负起责任、推动社会的发展，非常难。这也是我们正在努力为之 的，我相信中国因为有了互联网，在未来的3年内会有很大的发展。今年，人们说很多中国的股票因为VIE掉了很多。我相信，如果你看看其他地区的经济，比如美国目前正面临巨大考验;比如欧洲可能已经无所适从;那中国会怎么样?所有发生在美国和欧洲的情况，三四年后也会发生在中国。三四年后，中国的经济将面临巨大的挑战。如果你预感到了将会有糟糕的事情发生，那就从现在开始为之做准备，而不是到时候抱怨和哀嚎。作为互联网公司，我们必须承担起我们的责任。 我不是政治家，我只为自己说话，为我的客户—5000万中小企业者和800万淘宝卖家说话。他们在3年后要如何生存下去?这也是我此次来到美国想要去学习的。跟奥巴马学习，他将如何增加就业，他会怎么做，从错误中整理经验，然后在3年后，用我们的方法，帮助我们自己。这就是为什么我会来这里。我想你们一定 也有很多的问题，我准备好了回答你们的所有问题。

问：马云，你刚才自己已经提到了，所以我希望你诚实的回答你自己的那个问题：你准备收购雅虎么?

答：好问题。是的。我们非常感兴趣。我们对雅虎很感兴趣，是因为阿里巴巴集团是雅虎的重要资产，而雅虎的资产对阿里巴巴、对互联网用户及整个行业也都非常重要。所以我们感兴趣。所有的潜在投资者也与我们沟通过。他们可能还会跟我们有更进一步的沟通。

问：关于想要收购他们，你有没有跟雅虎初步沟通过?

答：目前，我只能跟你说，我们对此很感兴趣。

问：今天早上陈一舟说，任何关于VIE的问题，都可以去问马云。中国政府已经通过了国家安全审查制度，你怎么看这一制度的影响?你觉得这个制度会严重影响中国公司获得境外融资么?

答：有很多人在讨论VIE。我很迷惑。我花了很多时间学习什么是VIE，也没搞明白这到底是个什么东西。首先，VIE是个伟大的创新。我相信在10年前，这是个伟大的创新。它帮助中国的互联网及其他高科技行业的发展。阿里巴巴也由此获益不少。我不认为政府会禁止VIE，也不明白为什么人们会如此担心。但是，在某些敏感的领域或者行业，比如说金融行业，政府会比较小心这种模式，对此我非常理解和赞同。不管在哪个国家，如果外资控股的公司想要获得银行牌照，都会被反对，在中国也如此。关于VIE模式，我没听说哪个政府说要取缔它，所以为什么要担心呢?前几天我读了一篇关于“Shao Kong Chuen”的文章，他们的变化非常棒，我开始了解VIE真的是合法的、透明的。这就是互联网的力量。在10年之后，如果在某些敏感的行业，VIE让你觉得不舒服，请你加入我们，一起讨论。有人说你们的支付宝有问题，我坦诚的讲，因为这个，我们把VIE放到桌面上来讲。当人民银行问支付宝是否有国外投资者，我必须说真话。这个你同意吧?因为我们发展的越来越大，所以需要做的工作非常多。就好像今天，如果我说我想买Paypal，你觉得美国政府会毫无反应么?他们一定会有所举动!就算是收购雅虎，他们也会!所以，我们必须公平的去说这个问题。这不是个什么大的问题。这就是一种姿态。摆在桌子上来说、来讨论它，我不认为政府会禁止它。

问：如果让你回头重来，你还会这么做么?

答：我们经历了很困难的一段时间。今天，当所有的事情都很顺利，我反而觉得不太对劲。在美国，你们称之为偏执狂，我的确是的。在中国雅虎上，我们的确犯了很多的错误。但如果回到过去，我们还会买下中国雅虎么?是的，我们还会买!但我们还会以这种方式么?不，我们不会了。我们会用更聪明的方法。我没有任何的并购经验，尤其是并购互联网公司。所以如果你问我，对雅虎是否感兴趣，是的，我当然感兴趣。我们可能是极少数几家真正懂得雅虎美国的公司之一。 人们说，中国雅虎那么糟糕，你怎么还好意思说你很懂美国雅虎?我要说我们四年前解决了很多的问题，如果不那么做，我们今天可能就死了。所以我们愿意跟大家分享，我们是如何节约了开支，如何解雇一些人，那时候我们必须早一点解雇一部分人，留下一部分人。我觉得现在的互联网公司都应该好好想想，能从雅虎的事情中学到什么。如果我们不从别人的错误中学习，我们迟早有一天也会受到同样的挑战。

问：你是如何管理淘宝的?关于和京东的竞争，你会在物流方面做更多的事么?或者改变你的模式?在支付宝的事上，你希望跟孙正义和杨致远有怎样的交流?

答：淘宝成长得太快了，而且会越来越快。这对我们来说是个挑战，因为我们从没运营过这么大的公司。我不喜欢“帝国”这个说法，我相信“生态系统”。我是大自然保护协会的董事。我相信每个人都要跟其他人发生联系，彼此互相帮助。淘宝发展的太大太快，为此我很担心。我们可以给这个行业更多的机会， 所以在今年6月份，我们把淘宝拆分成4个部分。变成更小一些的公司，可以给其他竞争者以机会。如果十年后，我们还是非常大，我还会再拆成3个部分。我要确保，我们把大公司运作得像小公司一样。给其他的人，尤其是年轻人机会去经营他们的生意，因为这是他们的年代。淘宝就像腾讯、谷歌和facebook，它不是一间中国的公司，不仅仅属于中国或者美国，它属于21世纪的这个时代。你需要用不同的方式去运用这个公司。坦白的说，最好的方法是什么，我也不知道。我们做好了承担错误的准备，我们相信我们是在一个生态系统中，不是在一个帝国中。

第二个问题，关于跟京东的竞争。我不认为淘宝的模式有什么问题。我们在不断成长，而且要挣钱非常容易。我不认为我们需要改变模式。我不看好这种低价买来东西然后在网上高价卖出去的模式，这是个很愚蠢的模式。去年中国的快递包裹数是21亿个。淘宝占到了11亿个，今年可能会达到30亿个。我们不想搞自己的物流体系。中国大概需要1000万个快递员人员。我们怎么可能运营一个有1000万员工的公司?目前我们有23000员工，这已经让我很头疼 了。我们要做的，是帮助和支持这些物流公司提供更好的物流服务，让他们给自己的员工提供更好的福利。我们从未想过建立自己的物流公司，以前没有，以后也不会。

关于支付宝、杨致远和孙正义，我已经回答过很多次了，但是我还可以再说一次。他们都是很好的朋友和伙伴。我理解在一开始人们说，Jack你们可以……还有关于VIE……我们争执不休。我们得到了更准确的信息，所以我就告诉他们。

今天支付宝发展很快，但是我们却还没有挣很多钱。所以，这是一个挑战，年轻人，让我们来创造一个更好的模式。我跟杨致远，孙正义之间的沟通是非常健康的。但是不幸的是，外面的传言是我在没过通知董事会之前把公司给拿走了。让我来告诉你们真相。他们是知道的，而且我们一起讨论过。时至今日，问题解决了。但是这是一个挑战，我遇到过很多艰难的日子。这就是我需要面对的众多难关之一。其他人总觉得是容易的，他们说你要这么做那么做。但是如果支付宝死 了，淘宝的800万家卖家会遇到麻烦，我不能让这发生，如果我不遵循中国的法律，我就会天天被叫去北京喝茶。每个人都想请我喝茶，告诉我如果你越做越大， 你就会有麻烦了。所以我们要透明。今天，到了21世纪，任何事情都应该是透明的。不然你干嘛要这么努力工作?这就是需要面对的现实。

问：如何看到淘宝的国际合作?他们还没有开放API。

答：我们愿意向非中国公司开放API。当然这个关系到支付，非常困难。我看到很多海外华人问我他们怎么样可以在国外上淘宝买东西。我们正在尽自 己最大的努力。如果能解决支付的问题，事情的发展速度就会加快。淘宝就没必要一直呆在中国。我认为淘宝不属于中国，它属于整个世界，属于一代人。让我们一 起确保我们可以帮助到更多的人。

问：外国企业要进入中国非常困难。你对帮助外国公司有什么计划吗?

答：在世界任何一个地方做生意都是困难的。我相信中国的企业在美国也遇到过同样的问题。甚至是很多非常成功的中国公司在美国。在美国有什么有名的中国公司吗?(观众：华为，阿里巴巴)阿里巴巴，还没吧?联想?你们认为那是成功吗?我认为在中国我们有成功的外国公司——IBM, 微软，Oracle. 去世界的任何一个地方都需要花时间。我记得我的朋友Kara Swisher在数字大会上问过我这个问题。没有一个市场是是欢迎赌徒的。你去到一个地方给当地人创造价值，你就有一半的成功机会。所以我相信在今天的世界做生意是非常难的。昨天我跟我的妻子在辩论，美国的商业化程度很高，感觉什么时候都是连锁化的，沃尔玛，连咖啡店都是连锁的。你怎么能在这里做中小 企业。我旁边有一个教授，他跟我说，让我们来辩论一下在哪个国家更容易做生意，美国还是中国。现在的中国如果你还说什么关系，那还是算了。在过去的12年 中，我一直在说，如果有人跑过来跟你说他们跟市长的关系很好，我看还是算了。世界上唯一的关系是你的客户。如果你的客户喜欢你，政府就一定会喜欢你。相信我。他们需要税收。他们需要就业。但是如果你只想拿了便宜就跑的话，那你就有麻烦了。过去12年我跟政府的关系是，我们一直在恋爱，但是我们不会跟政府结婚。永远是这样，我爱他们。每次他们来找我，我告诉他们真相。我按照他们说的做。但是如果要跟我做生意的话，抱歉。我的朋友跟政府做生意，但是我没有。只有这样，你才能获得政府的尊重。如果他们对支付宝是认真的，那我们就听他们的。这个是法律，这个不是政府关系。我的建议是看得远永远是有点可怕的。但是你要走过去，跳进去，因为只有当你跳进了水里，你才能学会游泳。中国不是那么糟糕。但是有人问我为什么中国没有苹果。美国的资本主义已经有200多年的历 史，对吗?土壤非常肥沃。但是中国从邓小平改革开放以来只有30年。我们有像阿里巴巴、百度、腾讯、新浪这样的公司，这也不错。让我们再等30年。我们会有伟大的公司，但是他们不属于中国，他们属于互联网时代，属于80后，90后，以及00后。这些人才是真正改变世界，改变未来的力量。

问：你们全球策略未来的计划是什么?

答：曾经当我们有钱了，我们就开始犯错误。我们招了很多MBA，很多跨国公司的副总裁，我们开始考虑全球化。然后我们又说让我们回到根本，回到中国，回到中国的沿海地区。我们告诉自己，要放眼全球，但赢在当地。不论你的愿景有多么美好，你必须要脚踏实地，努力工作每一天。所以，很多年过去了，我们仍然相信要有全球化的视野，但是赢在中国。我们拓展了日本、印度和欧洲市场，我们也没有关掉美国的办公室。我需要学习。我需要向财富500强的CEO请教一个问题，既然他们都看好中国市场，为什么没有放弃一切在中国呆上一年?如果你想了解中国，你需要在中国花点时间。我想在美国生活一段时间，看看我们怎么可以帮助美国的中小企业，到底亚马逊、eBay跟我们有什么不同。我们从来不应该花2年的时间去做一个需要才能完成的事业。我们有时间， 我们还年轻。我还有时间。我们会一步一步地走，不是看我们能从国外市场获取多少收入而是你能为他人带来多少价值。现在已经有5000万中国以外的中小企业使用我们的服务。免费的永远是最好的。我们会一直朝这个方向努力。谢谢。

问：你觉得美国对中国最大的误解是什么?中国对美国最大的误解又是什么?

答：老实说，我不知道怎么回答这个问题。我想可能有很多误解。前几天我在写我的微博的时候，也在考虑这个问题。每个人都觉得我了解这个世界。我对中国里里外外的东西都知道。但是我不知道。邓小平不了解，毛泽东也不了解。

没有人完全了解中国。又有人说我对美国里里外外的东西都知道。但是我不知道，奥巴马也不知道。不然他就可以解决美国的问题了，不是吗?乔治布什也不完全知道。要了解一个事情是不容易的，但是你先要了解自己。你需要什么?你想要什么?你愿意放弃什么?如果我能更好地了解自己，我就可以改变自己更好地适 应外面的世界。中美之间始终都有误解，就像全中国其他地方的人跟河南人都有误解一样。我们的工作不是解除误解，而是改变自己来适应他人。所以，我不知道。 这是一个很好的问题。我来这里是因为我看到很多美国公司还有美国人对中国指指点点，但是他们却从来没有来过中国。

很多中国人指责美国，但是却从来没来过美国。但是如果我们不学着互相欣赏，不常常互相审视。我花在美国的时间越长，我就越喜欢美国。然后我在中国花的时间越多，我就会说哦，这个沟通方式在政治上太不明智了。因为政治是非常复杂的。我乐意做的事情只有一件。那就是从商。我不喜欢网络游戏，我觉得这个世界上最好的游戏就是创造财富。帮助大洋两岸的中小企业做生意，帮助他们互相了解。我的爷爷通过看报纸了解外面的世界，我的爸爸通过看电视了解外面的世界，我这代人通过看电视了解外面的世界，我的孩子通过互联网了解外面的世界。他们说我想加入其中。我觉得我们的时机已经到了。让我们共同建设互联网。美国发生的任何事情我们都可以第一时间在中国了解到。同样任何在中国的发生事情，我们在美国也可以很快知道。哈哈，别笑。让我们怀着欣赏的心态看待事物。脚踏 实地一步一步地做事很重要，而不是想着一蹴而就。谢谢。

问：马云，你曾说过，在你早先来硅谷的时候，拒绝过很多VC的投资。但是在硅谷，有位投资者，在阿里巴巴的成功之路上起到了非常重要的作用，这 就是杨致远的雅虎，他们在时向阿里巴巴投资了10亿美金。你能说说你跟杨致远的关系么，你们是怎么开始建立这个关系以及目前关系如何。还有那笔 投资对阿里巴巴的成长和成功是如何的不可或缺?

答：首先，杨致远是我非常好的朋友，我一生的朋友。两个家庭的关系也非常好。但是关于那笔投资，完全是商业行为。雅虎在20给阿里巴巴的投资，是对双方都有利的。没有雅虎美国的投资，我们不会有今天的成功。因为我们不仅需要钱去解决公司的问题，我们还需要用钱去解决创业投资者的问题。没有跟雅虎的这笔交易，我们永远无法从跟大公司的合作中学习东西。比如大公司存在什么样的问题，我们如何从中提高自己。

但在将来，如果今天的局势不改变，我们永远没有光明的未来。我们必须做一些改变，所以我觉得公平的说，我们感谢昨天，但是我们要追求更好的明 天。每个公司都应该如此。今天，我和杨致远依然是很好的朋友，我们一起聊天，打高尔夫。将来，也会是如此，我们依然热爱雅虎。雅虎是为数不多的唤起我对互 联网认知和信心的公司之一，对此，我终身都会感激。没有互联网，就不会有今天的马云，今天的阿里巴巴和淘宝。

问：你刚刚提到过你对收购雅虎很感兴趣。此行你去拜访过雅虎了吗?你打算如何收购雅虎?

答：我会非常诚实的回答你的问题。第一个问题，我还没有。我已经在这里待了15天，大部分的时间，我都用来吃饭和睡觉。我还没有没有时间去。我 觉得目前来说，对我最重要的事就是睡觉，因为一段漫长的、困难的阶段马上会来。第二个问题，你问我会如何收购。我们对整体收购很感兴趣(Kara Swisher:你指的是你们整个集团来收购还是说收购整个雅虎?)整个雅虎。中国雅虎目前已经是我们的了，已经在我的口袋中。(非常感谢你明确的回答， 那大概什么时候会开始呢?)坦诚的说，我不知道。这比我们想象的还要复杂，还有很多人对此很感兴趣，我们已经有过沟通。据我所知，问题的关键不在于钱，而是董事会内部的政治斗争。所以，我现在只能肯定的告诉你，我对这个收购非常感兴趣。

篇8：关于名人励志演讲

白岩松

走在人群中，我习惯看一看周围人的手腕，那里似乎藏着一个属于当代中国人的内心秘密，从不言说，却日益增多。

越来越多的人，不分男女，会戴上一个手串，这其中，不乏有人仅仅是为了装饰;更多的却带有祈福与安心的意味，这手串停留在装饰与信仰之间，或左或右。这其中，是一种怎样的相信或怎样的一种抚慰?又或者，来自内心怎样的一种焦虑或不安?

手串有助于平静吗?我们的内心，与这看似仅仅是装饰的东西有什么样的关系?人群中，又为什么几乎没有人谈论过它?

沉默之中，埋藏着我们怎样的困惑?

这是一个传统的复归，还是一个新的开始?这是因祈福而产生的下意识行为?还是因不安而必然的求助?

二

2006年的最后一天，我去301医院看望季羡林先生。到达时是上午，而很早就起床的季老，已经在桌前工作了很久，他在做的事情是：修改早已出版的《佛教十五讲》。他说：“对这个问题，我似乎又明白了一些。”

话题也就从这儿开始，没想到，一发不可收，并持续到整个聊天的结束。

“您信佛吗?”我问。

“如果说信，可能还不到;但我承认对佛教有亲近感，可能我们很多中国人都如此。”季老答。

接下来，我好奇的是：快速前行的中国人，现在和将来，拿什么抚慰内心?

季老给我讲了一个细节。有一天，一位领导人来看他，聊的也是有关内心的问题，来者问季老：主义和宗教，哪一个先在人群中消失?

面对这位大领导，季老没有犹豫：假如人们一天解决不了对死亡的恐惧，怕还是主义先消失吧，也许早一天。

看似平淡的回答，隐藏着一种智慧、勇气和相信。当然，“早一天”的说法也很留余地。

和季老相对而谈的这一天，离一年的结束，没几个小时了，冬日的阳光照在季老的脸上，也温暖着屋内的其他人。

那一天，季老快乐而平静。我与周围的人同样如此。

三

又一天，翻阅与梁漱溟先生有关的一本书《这个世界会好吗》，翻到后记，梁先生的一段话，突然让我心动。

梁老认为，人类面临有三大问题，顺序错不得。

先要解决人和物之间的问题，，接下来要解决人和人之间的问题，最后一定要解决人和自己内心之间的问题。

是啊，从小求学到三十而立，不就是在解决让自己有立身之本的人与物之间的问题吗?没有学历、知识、工作、钱、房子、车这些物的东西，怎敢三十而立呢?而之后为人父为人母为人子女，为人夫妻，为人上级为人下级，为人友为人敌，人与人之间的问题，你又怎能不认真并辛苦地面对?

但是随着人生脚步的前行，走着走着，便依稀看见生命终点的那一条线，什么都可以改变，生命是条单行道的局面无法改变。于是，不安、焦虑、怀疑、悲观……接踵而来，人该如何面对自己的内心，还是那一个老问题——我从何而来，又因何而去?去哪儿呢?

时代纷繁复杂，忙碌的人们，终要面对自己的内心，而这种面对，在今天，变得更难，却也更急迫。我们都需要答案。

四

如果更深地去想，又何止是人生要面对这三个问题的挑战?

中国三十余年的改革，最初的二十多年，目标很物化，小康、温饱、翻两番，解决人与物之间的问题，是生存的需求;而每一个个体，也把幸福寄托到物化的未来身上。

这些物化的目标陆续实现，但中国人也逐渐发现，幸福并没有伴随着物质如约而来，整个人群中，充满着抱怨之声，官高的抱怨，位卑的抱怨，穷的抱怨，富的也 抱怨，人们似乎更加焦虑，而且不知因何而存在的不安全感，像传染病，交叉感染。上面不安，怕下面闹事;下面也不安，怕上面总闹些大事，不顾小民感受;富人 不安，怕财富有一天就不算数了;穷人也不安，自己与孩子的境遇会改变吗?就在这抱怨、焦虑和不安之中，幸福，终于成了一个大问题。

这个时候，和谐社会的目标提了出来，其实，这是想解决人与人之间的问题，力图让人们更靠近幸福的举动。不过，就在为此而努力的同时，一个更大的挑战随之而来。

在一个十三亿人的国度里，我们该如何解决与自己内心之间的问题?我们人群中的核心价值观到底是什么?精神家园在哪里?我们的信仰是什么?

都信人民币吗?

我们的痛苦与焦虑，社会上的乱像与功利，是不是都与此有关?

而我们除了幸福似乎什么都有，是不是也与此有关?

幸福，成了眼下最大问题的同时，也成了未来最重要的目标。

可是，幸福在哪里?

五

幸福在哪里暂且不说，痛苦却是随时可以感受得到。

这个社会的底线正不断地被突破，奶粉中可以有三聚氰胺;蔬菜中可以有伤人的农药;仅仅因为自己不舒服便可以夺走与自己无关人的性命;为了钱，可以随时欺骗，只要于己有利，别人，便只是一个可供踩踏的梯子。理想，是一个被嘲笑的词汇。

这样的情形不是个别的现象，而是随处可见。

没有办法，缺乏信仰的人，在一个缺乏信仰的社会里，便无所畏惧，便不会约束自己，就会忘记千百年来先人的古训，就会为了利益，让自己成为他人的地狱。

有人说，我们要守住底线。但早就没了底线，或者说底线被随意地一次又一次突破，又谈何守住底线?可守的底线在哪里?

一天下午，我和身后的车辆正常地行驶在车道上，突然间，一辆豪华车逆行而来，鸣笛要我们让路，可是正常行驶的我们无路可躲，于是，感觉被怠慢的那个车 主，在车过我们身边时，摇下车窗痛骂一番。那一瞬间，我惊呆了：为这辆逆行而来的车和这个充满愤怒的人。车主是一位年轻女子，面容姣好，像是有钱也受过良 好教育，然而，这一瞬间，愤怒让她的面容有些扭曲。

被指责的同时，我竟然没有一丝的愤怒，倒是有一种巨大的悲凉从心中升起。因为我和她，不得不共同生活在同一个时代，而且有的时候，我们自己也可能成为她。我们都无处闪躲。

六

如果是简单的坏，或是极端的好，也就罢了，可惜，这是一个人性最复杂的时代。

医生一边拿着红包，一边接连做多台手术，最后累倒在手术台上;教师一边体罚着学生，坚决应试教育，另一边多年顾不上家顾不上自己的孩子，一心扑在工作上;官员们，也许有的一边在腐败贪污着，另一边却连周末都没有，正事也干得不错，难怪有时候百姓说：“我不怕你贪，就怕你不干事!”

其实，说到我们自己，怕也是如此吧。一半海水一半火焰，一边是坠落一边在升腾，谁，不在挣扎?

对，错，如何评价?好，坏，怎样评估?

岸，在哪里?

七

有人说，十三亿中国人当中，有一亿多人把各种宗教当做自己的信仰，比如选择佛教、天主教、____或伊斯兰教，还有一亿多人，说他们信仰共产主义，再然后，就没了。也就是说，近十一亿中国人没有任何信仰。

这需要我们担心吗?

其实，千百年来，中国人也并没有直接把宗教当做自己的信仰，在这方面，我们相当多人是怀着一种临时抱佛脚的态度，有求时，点了香带着钱去许愿;成了，去还愿，仅此而已。

但中国人一直又不缺乏信仰。不管有文化没文化，我们的信仰一直藏在杂糅后的中国文化里，藏在爷爷奶奶讲给我们的故事里，藏在唐诗和宋词之中，也藏在人们日常的行为礼仪之中。于是，中国人曾经敬畏自然，追求天人合一，尊重教育，懂得适可而止。所以，在中国，谈到信仰，与宗教有关，更与宗教无关。那是中国人才会明白的一种执著，但可能，我们这代人终于不再明白。

从五四运动到“”，所有这一切被摧毁得荡然无存，我们也终于成了一群再没有信仰的孩子。这个时候，改革拉开了大幕，欲望如期而至，改变了我们的生活，也在没有信仰的心灵空地放肆地奔腾。

于是，那些我们听说和没听说过的各种怪异的事情，也就天天在我们身边上演，我们每一个人，是制造者，却也同时，是这种痛苦的承受者。

幸福怎么会在这个时候来到我们的身边呢?

八

钱和权，就越来越像是一种信仰，说白了，它们与欲望的满足紧密相联。

曾经有一位评委，看着台上选手用力地表演时，发出了一声感慨：为什么在他们的眼睛里，我再也看不到真诚和纯真，而只是宝马和别墅?

其实，这不是哪一个选手的问题，而是时代的问题。人群中，有多少个眼神不是如此，夜深人静时，我们还敢不敢在镜子中，看一看自己的眼睛?

权力，依然是一个问题。

个人崇拜减少了，可对权力的崇拜，却似乎变本加厉。

不知是从哪一天开始，上下级之间充满了太多要运用智慧和心智的相处。是从什么时候开始，领导面前，下属变得唯唯诺诺，绝对没有主见?一把手的权力变得更大，顺应领导的话语也变得更多，为了正确的事情可以和领导拍桌子的场景却越来越少。

其实，是下属们真的敬畏权力吗?

你仔细观察后就会发现，可能并非如此。或许是下属们早已变得更加聪明和功利，如果这样的顺从可以为自己带来好处或起码可以避免坏处，为何不这样做?

但问题是，谁给了下属这样的暗示?

九

每一代人的青春都不容易，但现今时代的青春却拥有肉眼可见的艰难。时代让正青春的人们必须成功，而成功等同于房子、车子与职场上的游刃有余。可这样的成功说起来容易，实现起来难，像新的三座大山，压得青春年华喘不过气来，甚至连爱情都成了难题。

青春应当浪漫一些，不那么功利与现实，可现今的年轻人却不敢也不能。房价不断上涨，甚至让人产生错觉：“说了不算，总经理说了才算。”后来总经理们太过分，急了，这房价才稍稍停下急匆匆的脚步。房价已不是经济问题，而是社会问题政治问题。也许短期内房价会表态性地降一些，然而往前看，你会对房价真正下跌抱乐观态度吗?更何况房价动不动就三万四万一平米，它降不降还跟普通人有关系吗?所以，热了《蜗居》。

而《暗算》的另类流行，又暴露着职场中的生存不易，论资排辈经过短暂退却，重又占据上风，青春，在办公室里只能斗智斗勇不敢张扬，不大的年龄却老张老李的模样。

至于蚁族们，在高涨的房价和越来越难实现的理想面前，或许都在重听老歌：“外面的世界很精彩，外面的世界很无奈……”当你觉得外面的世界很无奈，或许逃离北上广，回到还算安静的老家才是出路?

浪漫固然可爱，然而面对女友轻蔑一笑之后的转身离去，浪漫，在如今的青春中，还能有怎样的说服力?

如果一个时代里，青春正万分艰难地被压抑着，这时代，怎样才可以朝气蓬勃?如果人群中，青春中的人们率先抛弃了理想，时代的未来又是什么?

十

改革三十余年，我们进步了太多，这一切，都有数据可以证明。

而新闻进步了多少?又用怎样的数据证明着?

当然，这并不是一个可以用数据证明的东西，但是，依然有太多的标准，比如，是否有真正优秀的人才还愿意把自己的理想在这里安放;再比如，不管经历日复一日怎样的痛苦，仍然隔一段时间，就会在社会的进步中，感受到一点小小的成就感。

假如并非如此呢?

假如真正有理想有责任的新闻人，永远感受的是痛苦，甚至在领导的眼里，反而是麻烦的制造者，并且这样的人，时常因理想和责任而招致自己与别人的不安全，那么理想与责任可以坚持多久呢?

而如果理想主义者都在生活巨大的压力和诱惑之下，变成现实主义者;

如果现实主义者都变成功利主义者，而功利主义者又变成投机分子……

希望会否变成绝望?理想是否成为空想?

当然，这仅仅是一种假设。然而，它依然如同噩梦一样，虽然虚构，却会让醒着的人们，惊魂未定。

新闻事业的前行，同样需要信仰。

十一

社会有社会的问题，我们又都有自己的问题。

在2000年即将到来的时候，上海一家报纸约我写了一篇新千年寄语，当时，我选择了两个关键词，一个是反思，一个是平静。

反思，不难理解。由于生存都堪忧，荒.唐岁月一结束，过去一路上的伤口只是草草地遮盖了一下，来不及更负责任地处理，我们就匆匆上路，这没什么可指责的，这是生存遭遇危机时近乎唯一的选择。

然而，三十多年走过，生存已经不再是最大的问题，或许有一天，我们该停下脚步，把伤口上的浮尘擦去，涂上酒精或消炎的东西，会痛会很刺激，然而只有这样，伤口才可以真正愈合，之后才可以真正轻装上阵。

这是对历史与未来负责的一种态度。

而之所以另一个关键词是平静，原因也并不复杂。因为安抚我们的内心，将是未来最大的问题。

上世纪的战乱时代，偌大的中国，放不下一张安静的书桌，而今日，偌大的中国，再难找到平静的心灵。

不平静，就不会幸福，也因此，当下的时代，平静才是真正的奢侈品。

想要平静与幸福，我们内心的问题终究无法回避。

十二

古人聪明，把很多的提醒早变成文字，放在那儿等你，甚至怕你不看，就更简单地把提醒放在汉字本身，拆开“盲”这个字，就是“目”和“亡”，是眼睛死了， 所以看不见，这样一想，拆开“忙”这个字，莫非是心死了?可是，眼下的中国人都忙，为利，为名。所以，我已不太敢说“忙”，因为，心一旦死了，奔波又有何意义?

然而大家还是都忙，都不知为何显得格外着急，于是，都在抢。在街上，红绿灯前，时常见到红灯时太多的人抢着穿过去，可到了对面，又停下来，等同伴，原来他也没什么急事，就是一定要抢，这已成为我们太多人的一种习惯。

在这样的氛围中，中国人似乎已失去了耐性，别说让生活慢下来，能完整看完一本书的人还剩多少?过去人们有空写信、写日记，后来变成短信、博客，到现在已是微博，144个字内要完成表达，沟通与交流都变得一短再短。甚至144个字都嫌长，很多人只看标题，就有了“标题党”。那么，下一步呢?

对此，一位老人说得好：人生的终点都一样，谁都躲不开，慢，都觉得快，可中国人怎么显得那么着急地往终点跑?

十三

在墨西哥，有一个离我们很远却又很近的寓言。

一群人急匆匆地赶路，突然，一个人停了下来。旁边的人很奇怪：为什么不走了?

停下的人一笑：走得太快，灵魂落在了后面，我要等等它。

是啊，我们都走得太快。然而，谁又打算停下来等一等呢?

如果走得太远，会不会忘了当初为什么出发?