“青梅绿茶”通过精心收集，向本站投稿了11篇翻译资格考试一级口译练习，以下是小编为大家整理后的翻译资格考试一级口译练习，欢迎阅读与收藏。
篇1：翻译资格考试一级口译练习
舒舍予，字老舍，现年四十岁，面黄无须，生于北平，三岁失怙，可谓无父，志学之年，帝王不存，可谓无君，无父无君，特别孝爱老母。幼读三百篇，不求甚解。继学师范，遂奠教书匠之基，及壮，糊口四方，教书为业。甚难发财，每购奖券，以得末奖为荣，示甘为寒贱也。二十七岁，发愤著书，科学哲学无所终，故写小说，博大家一笑，没什么了不得。三十四岁结婚，今已有一男一女，均狡猾可喜。书无所不读，全无所获，并不着急，教书做事，均甚认真，往往吃亏，也不后悔。再活四十年，也许能有点出息。
【参考译文】
I, Shu Sheyu, style myself Lao She. I am a pale and beardless 40-year-old born in Beiping. I became fatherless at the age of 3 when my father died and emperorless at school age when the emperorwas dethroned. Fatherless and emperorless, I was especially filial and respectful to my mother. In my childhood, I read the Book of Songs, making no effort to understand the meaning thoroughly. Years later, I attended a normal school, where I prepared myself to be a teacher/ where I laid a foundation for my career as a teacher. In the prime of my life, I roved hither and thither/ went from one place to another, earning a living by teaching. As fortune seldom came to me, I prided myself on winning the smallest prize every time I bought a lottery ticket, which shows I enjoy myself in leading a poor and humble life. At 27, I made a determined effort to write books. Having achieved no success/ got nowhere with sciences and philosophy, I turned to fiction writing merely to amuse my readers, which is no big feat / did not amount to much. I got married at the age of 34. Now I have a son and a daughter. They are both naughty and lovable. Though an extensive reader withough much gains, I am not upset. I am conscientious in teaching and handling affairs, not regretting in spite of losses. If I could live another 40 years, I might get somewhere.
篇2：翻译资格考试一级口译练习
France today is no superpower, but French influence in some spheres significant. Nothing has cemented French influence in the world like the decision made by the victorious World War II powers in 1945 to include France as one of the five permanent, veto-wielding members of the Security Council. Until the end of the Cold War, France rarely found itself in disagreement with Britain or the U.S. on major issues. But the U.N. veto today takes on larger significance as France struggles to decide whether it wants to lead the European Union in defiance of American power or in partnership with it.
As America's great media outlets have begun preparing for coverage of the D-Day celebrations, the question of a “grand gesture” by the French toward the American war in Iraq has been raised. Administration officials hint that, perhaps, just perhaps, the French President will use the occasion of France's rescue as an opportunity to square the accounts — to issue a blanket endorsement of America's plan for Iraq's future and throw its support behind the transfer of power looming at the end of the month. France certainly wants the United States to be successful in Iraq at this point. But France seems unlikely to see D-Day as an opportunity to make good on a 60-year-old debt. Beyond nice speeches and some truly fine cuisine, don't expect France to liberate America from Iraq.
篇3：翻译资格考试一级口译练习
Yet the U.S. benefited greatly from the colonial strife next door. Broke after its Haitian defeat. France sold a large region to the U.S. for $15 million. The Louisiana Purchase would prove to be one of the most profitable real estate transactions ever made. Napoleon would not have sold his claims“ except for the courage and obstinate resistance of Haitian inhabitants.
It would take six decades for the U.S. to acknowledge Haiti's independence. Meanwhile, Haiti, burdened by its post, independence isolation and the too million francs in payment it was forced to give France for official recognition, began its perilous slide toward turmoil and dependency, resulting in a 19-year U.S. occupation and two subsequent interventions in the past 100 years. Jefferson once presented dire warnings about what might happen to the U.S. political system in a worst-case scenario, but his words turned out to be a more accurate prophecy for America's plundered neighbor: ”The spirit of the times ... will alter. Our rulers will become corrupt ... The shackles ... which shall not be knocked off at the conclusion of war will remain on tong, will be made heavier.“ Given a fair chance. Haiti could have flourished and prospered, If that had been the case, this year Haiti would be celebrating the bicentennial of its independence with fewer and lighter shackles.
【参考译文】
美国周边的殖民地争端使其从中获益不少。法国在海地遭遇失败后，财力上捉襟见肘，将一大块地盘以一千五百万美元的代价卖给美国。路易斯安那交易可以算作有史以来购买者获益最丰厚的地产交易了。要不是海地人民高昂的士气和顽强的抵抗使拿破仑头痛不已，他是不会卖掉自己手中的领地的。
美国经过六十年才最终承认海地的独立。而这段时间里，海地承受巨大压力：独立后的孤立无援加之必须向法国支付一亿法郎以换取法方的正式承认，它开始滑向动荡和丧失主权的危险境地，最终导致美国对它长达十九年的占领和其后一百年中两次入侵。杰弗逊曾经对美国政治体系可能出现的最坏情况进行过警告，但他那些令人心惊胆战的话语恰恰精确地预告了美国身边这个屡遭劫难的邻国所发生的一切：“时代的精神将改变。我们的统治者们将腐朽堕落。我们并没有因为战争的结束而挣脱枷锁，它将继续禁锢我们，而且日益沉重。”海地如果能够得到公平的机会，也许会繁荣兴旺。如果真是这样，今年海地庆祝独立二百周年时，它所戴着的枷锁一定会轻些，少些。
篇4：翻译资格考试一级口译练习
The book shows us the progress of a remarkable American, who, through his own enormous energies and efforts, made the unlikely journey from Hope, Arkansas, to the White House---a journey fueled by an impassioned interest in the political process which manifested itself at every stage of his life: in college, working as an intern for Senator William Fulbright; at Oxford, becoming part of the Vietnam War protest movement; at Yale Law School, campaigning on the grassroots level for Democratic candidates; back in Arkansas, running for Congress, attorney general, and governor.
We see his career shaped by his resolute determination to improve the life of his fellow citizens, an unfaltering commitment to civil fights, and an exceptional understanding of the practicalities of political life.
We come to understand the emotional pressures of his youth--born after his father's death; caught in the dysfunctional relationship between his feisty, nurturing mother and his abusive stepfather, drawn to the brilliant, compelling lady whom he was determined to marry; passionately devoted, from her infancy, to their daughter, and to the entire experience of fatherhood; slowly and painfully beginning to comprehend how his early denial of pained him at times into damaging patterns of behavior.
【参考译文】
本书向我们展示了一个杰出美国人的成长历程。他精力充沛，通过艰苦卓绝的努力，从阿肯色州的霍普镇走到了白宫，完成了一段不可思议的人生历程。他一生的每一阶段都展示出对政治生涯的狂热追求，正是这种追求鼓舞着他走完这段历程：在大学期间，他已经是参议员威廉·富尔布莱特的实习生;在牛津大学，他成为反运动的一份子;在耶鲁大学法学院，他参与民主党候选人的基层选举;回到阿肯色州，他竞选过州议会议员，司法部长直至州长。
他有着坚毅的决心要改善同胞们的生活，他致力于民权运动，矢志不渝，他对于如何运用政治权力有着超乎常人的深刻理解，这一切成为他职业生涯的闪光点，有目共睹。
我们日益了解到他青少年时期所遭受的情感波折：他是父亲去世后降临人世的遗腹子;母亲含辛茹苦，但喜好争吵，继父动辄打骂，他成长在两人岌岌可危的婚姻关系之中;他被一位才华横溢、令人折服的女士所倾倒，下定决心与她步入婚姻殿堂;他从女儿出生起就疼爱有加，尽心尽力地做一个好父亲;青少年时期压抑的痛苦使他后来偶尔作出一些不利的行为，这样逐渐深入的了解也颇令人感伤。
篇5：翻译资格考试一级口译练习
他在父亲的教导下“发愤用功”，其实他读书还是出于喜好，只似馋嘴佬贪吃美食：食肠很大，不择精粗，甜咸杂进。极俗的书他也能看得哈哈大笑。戏曲里的插科打诨，他不仅且看且笑，还一再搬演，笑得打跌。精微深奥的哲学、美学、文艺理论等大部著作，他像小儿吃零食那样吃了又吃，厚厚的书一本本渐次吃完，诗歌更是他喜好的读物。重得拿不动的大词典、辞典、百科全书等，他不仅挨着字母逐条细读，见了新版本，还不嫌其烦的把新条目增补在旧书上。他看书常做些笔记。
【参考译文】
Though he “made a determined effort to study” under his father’s preaching, he studied out of his own interest. He was just like an gourmet greatly attached to delicate food. Coarse and delicate, sweet and bitter, could well go into his enormous stomach. Similarly, he would burst into an uproar while reading low-brow books. He would chuckle while watching farcical parts in folk operas and even laugh out of his balance and imitate them again and again. As for refined and sophisticated works, either philosophical, aesthetical works or theoretical books of literature and arts, he would read them over and over, as kids licking their candies As a result, he finished reading those thick books one by one. Poetry was his favorite. If it were dictionaries, glossaries, encyclopedias which were too heavy to move, he would read them entry by entry, line by line. If there were any new version which he happened to come across, he would never get tired of squeezing the new entry into the old ones. He used to make notes while reading.
篇6：翻译资格考试一级口译练习
光阴似箭，转眼中国加入世贸组织已经整整4年。4年来，中国加入世贸绝大多数承诺都已兑现，部分承诺的兑现甚至走在规定的时间表之内。在世贸成员关心的知识产权问题上，中国启动法律修改工程，查处大批侵权案件，这些努力均取得了显著成效。中国政府还全面清理了部委和地方的行政法规。
一诺千金，有诺必践，传送着中国的极大诚意，展示了一个负责任大国的襟怀，赢得世贸成员和国际舆论的佳评。在世贸组织的年度审议中，这几年中国都受到充分肯定。为使国内经济与世贸规则相符，中国表现了承担义务的强烈意愿，并且一如既往从未动摇。
【参考译文】
How time flies! In a twinkling of an eye it is already 4 years since China acceded to the World Trade Organization ( WTO ). Over the past 4 years, China has honored most of the commitments it made when joining the WTO, and some of them are even fulfilled ahead of schedule. In respect of the intellectual property issue that is of concern to WTO members, China launched a law revamp program and investigated a great number of infringement cases. These efforts have achieved remarkable effect. The Chinese government has also revamped the administrative laws and regulations at ministerial and local levels.
By making and honoring promises that can be counted on, China has shown its utmost sincerity and largeness of mind as a great and responsible country/nation, gaining acclamations from WTO members and international public opinion. At the WTO annual deliberations, China’s efforts have been fully recognized over the years. To accord its domestic economy with the WTO rules, China has manifested strong willingness to undertake responsibility; it has fulfilled its obligations as always and has never wavered.
篇7：翻译资格考试一级口译练习
The popular view when discussing urban transportation in American cities today is to decry its sorry state. Newspaper and journals are filled with talk of ”urban transportation crisis,“ of the ”difficulties of getting from here to there, " and so on at great length. Matters are reported to get worse and very quickly.
Everyone has his own favorite traumatic experience to report: of the occasion when many of the switches froze on New York's commuter railroads; of the sneak snowstorm in Boston that converted thirty-minute commuter trips into seven hour ordeals; of the extreme difficulties in Chicago and other Midwestern cities when some particularly heavy and successive snowstorms were endured.
One reason for the talk of an urban transportation crisis in the United States today perhaps lies in a failure to meet anticipations. Many commuters expected to reduce their commuting times as systems improved, but instead found themselves barely able to maintain the status quo in terms of time requirements./ Another reason for talk of crisis, almost certainly, is the rate of improvement in the performance of urban transportation systems during rush hours has been markedly inferior to that expected during off-peak hours. Specifically, the ability to move quickly about American cities during non-rush hours has improved in a truly phenomenal fashion.
【参考译文】
人们议论起今天美国城市的交通，普遍都对其混乱不堪的状况持公开批评的观点。报纸和杂志充斥着谈论“城市交通危机”、“行路难”及诸如此类的话题。据报道，交通问题越来越糟，而且每况愈下的速度非常之快。考生如果怕自己错过考试报名时间和考试时间的话，可以 免费预约短信提醒，届时会以短信的方式提醒大家报名和考试时间。
每个人都有自己喜欢向人叙说的可怕经历：纽约市郊铁路上的许多道岔冻住了;波士顿突然遭遇暴风雪，使得30分钟短途旅程变成了7小时的煎熬：在芝加哥和其它中西部城市，特大暴风雪接二连三袭来，持续数日，使交通变得极其困难。
人们谈论当今美国城市交通危机的一个原因，或许在于目前的状况未能达到人们的期望值。随着交通系统的改进，许多依赖公共交通出行的上班族期望能够缩短上下班来回时间，到头来却发现在交通上所花的时间几乎没有减少。人们谈论交通危机的另一个原因，几乎可以肯定的是，高峰时段城市交通系统功能的改进程度明显不如非高峰时段人们所期待的改进程度。确切地讲，在非高峰时间美国城市间快速通行的能力的确有了显著的改善。
篇8：翻译资格考试一级口译练习
伟大的抗战精神，蕴含着中华儿女和衷共济的团结精神。面对亡国灭种的民族危机，中华儿女，地无分南北，人无分老幼，有钱出钱，有力出力，举国上下，万众一心，用血肉筑成了一座侵略者不可逾越的新的长城。“富贵不能淫，贫贱不能移，威武不能屈”，在民族患难的时代，这种浩然之气概，不屈之节操，激励着中华儿女赴汤蹈火，殊死奋战，使救亡图存成为可歌可泣、英勇卓绝的斗争。今年是中国人民抗日战争暨世界反法西斯战争胜利60周年。重温那段血与火的悲壮历史，缅怀抗日先烈的丰功伟绩，弘扬中华民族伟大的抗战精神，在今天仍然具有十分重要的意义。
【参考译文】
The grand spirit of Anti-aggression is a vivid reflection of the Chinese people’s persistent solidarity. Upon the Japanese invasion, China’s sons and daughters, here or there, old or young, rich or poor, gather together with one mind and build up an insurmountable Great Wall in resistance, with their flesh and blood.
“Indulge never in money and rank, apostatize never when in poverty and hardship, surrender never to power and force.” In times of national crisis, this formidable mettle and dauntless integrity prompt China’s sons and daughters to go through fire and water with the courage of despair, making the anti-Japanese war moving and praise-worthy.
It is now the 60th anniversary of China’s anti-Japanese war and the world’s anti-fascism war. And it is still of great significance today for us to review the buskined history of fire and blood, to recall the great feats of the gallant martyrs, and to carry forward our nation’s infinite morale of anti-aggression.
篇9：翻译资格考试一级口译实务材料
常驻联合国代表张军大使在安理会中导问题公开会上的发言
Statement by Ambassador Zhang Jun at Security Council on Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty
8月22日
22 August
主席女士，
Madam President,
我认真听取了中满泉副秘书长所作通报。
I have listened carefully to the briefing by USG Nakamitsu.
The Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF) signed between the US and the USSR in 1987 is an important treaty on arms control and disarmament. Taking strengthening strategic stability as its objective, the treaty effectively mitigated the arms race on intermediate-range missiles between the US and USSR in Europe and helped to enhance strategic mutual trust between major powers, ease international relations and advance nuclear disarmament process.
进入新世纪以来，维护《中导条约》有效性，不仅对美俄两国，也对国际和地区的和平与安全具有重要现实意义。美俄本应通过对话协商妥善处理关于履约问题的分歧，切实维护条约有效性。但美国单方面退约导致条约失效，将对全球战略平衡与稳定、欧洲和亚太地区安全及国际军控体系产生深远消极影响，国际社会应对此保持清醒认识。在《中导条约》问题上，中方已多次表明立场，拿中国作为退约借口是不可接受的。中方拒绝美方的无理指责。
Entering the new century, safeguarding the effectiveness of the INF treaty is of great practical significance not only to the United States and Russia but also to international and regional peace and security. The two countries should have properly handled differences over treaty compliance through dialogue and consultation to earnestly safeguard the effectiveness of the treaty. However, the unilateral withdrawal of the United States from the treaty led to the demise of the treaty, which will have a far-reaching negative impact on global strategic balance and stability, regional security in Europe and Asia as well as international arms control regime. The international community should be clear headed about this impact. On the INF issue, China has made clear its position on many occasions. It is unacceptable to use China as an excuse for leaving the treaty, and China rejects the baseless accusation by the United States.
主席女士，
Madam President,
当今世界正经历百年未有之大变局，和平、发展、合作、共赢的时代潮流不可逆转，和平力量的上升远远超过战争因素的增长。同时，国际安全面临的不稳定性不确定性更加突出。多边主义是应对共同挑战的有效途径，各国应坚定维护以国际法和《联合国宪章》宗旨原则为核心的国际秩序，秉持共同、综合、合作和可持续的新安全观，充分尊重各国正当合理安全关切，努力塑造和平稳定的国际安全环境，推动构建人类命运共同体。
The world today is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century. Peace, development and win-win cooperation remain the irreversible trends of the times, with forces for peace predominating over elements of war. At the same time, there are prominent destabilizing factors and uncertainties in international security. Multilateralism is the effective means to address common challenges. All countries should resolutely safeguard international order with international law and the purposes and principles of the UN Charter at its core, embrace a concept of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security, fully respect the legitimate security concerns of all countries, work hard for a peaceful and stable international security environment and promote a community of a shared future for mankind.
《联合国宪章》赋予安理会维护国际和平与安全的重要职责，安理会成员应展现责任担当，各国均应避免采取损害别国安全利益的举动。美方在正式退出《中导条约》前即宣称计划加快中导研发和部署，并已于日前试射新型陆基巡航导弹。中方强烈敦促有关国家本着高度负责的态度，保持克制，切实维护现有军控体系，维护全球战略平衡与稳定，维护国际和地区和平与安宁。这是国际社会的共同呼声。
The UN Charter entrusts the Security Council with the important responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. Council members should earnestly fulfill their responsibilities in this regard. All countries should refrain from taking actions that undermine the security interests of other countries. Prior to its official withdrawal from the INF treaty, the United States already announced its plan to accelerate the development and deployment of intermediate range missiles. And lately, it conducted a test launch of land-based cruise missile. China strongly urges the relevant country to take a highly responsible attitude, exercise restraint and earnestly preserve the existing arms control regime in an effort to safeguard global strategic balance and stability and international and regional peace and security. This is the shared message from the international community.
退出《中导条约》是美国奉行单边主义、推卸国际义务的又一消极举动，其真实目的是自我松绑、谋求单方面绝对军事优势。中国始终奉行防御性的国防政策，拥有的陆基中程导弹全部部署在本国境内，完全出于防御目的，不威胁任何国家。中方坚决反对美国在亚太地区部署陆基中导，要求美方在此方面保持理性和克制。
Withdrawal from the INF treaty is yet another act of unilateralism and escape from international obligations by the United States. It is aimed at relieving restrictions and seeking absolute military advantage. China pursues a national defense policy that is defensive nature. China’s land-based intermediate range missiles are all deployed within the Chinese territory. It is for defense purposes only and poses no threat to any country. China firmly opposes US deployment of land-based intermediate range missiles in the Asia-Pacific and urges the United States to be cool-headed and exercise restraint.
主席女士，
Madam President,
国际军控与裁军条约体系是全球战略平衡与稳定的基石，与国际和平安全息息相关。核裁军是《不扩散核武器条约》的三大支柱之一，是核领域全球治理的重要组成部分。各国应遵循“维护全球战略稳定”和“各国安全不受减损”等原则，循序渐进推进核裁军进程。拥有最大核武库的国家应切实履行核裁军特殊、优先责任。我们支持俄罗斯在此方面作出的政治外交努力，支持并鼓励俄罗斯和美国就战略安全和双边核裁军问题保持对话，致力于《美俄关于进一步削减和限制进攻性战略武器措施的条约》延期，并继续以可核查、不可逆、具有法律约束力的方式大幅削减核武库，为推进多边核裁军进程创造必要条件。
The international arms control and disarmament treaty system, as the cornerstone of global strategic balance and stability, bears on international peace and security. Nuclear Disarmament, as one of the three pillars of the NPT, constitutes an important part of global governance in the nuclear field. All countries should follow the principles of “maintaining global strategic stability” and “undiminished security for all” and advance disarmament process in a step-by-step manner. Countries with the largest nuclear arsenals have special and primary responsibility for nuclear disarmament. We support the political and diplomatic efforts made by Russia, support and encourage Russia and the United States to maintain dialogue on strategic security and bilateral nuclear disarmament issues, commit themselves to the extension of the New START Treaty, continue to make substantive reduction in their nuclear arsenals in a verifiable, irreversible and legally binding manner with a view to creating necessary conditions for advancing multilateral nuclear disarmament processes.
我要强调，任何军控谈判都应充分考虑各国整体军事实力，并遵循“各国安全不受减损”这一国际军控基本原则。中方已多次就所谓“中美俄军控谈判”提议表明立场，现阶段中方无意也不会参加所谓“中美俄军控谈判”。
I must emphasize that for any arms control negotiation, it is imperative to fully consider the overall military capabilities of countries and follow the principle of “undiminished security for all”, a basic principle of international arms control. China has repeatedly stated its position on the so-called arms control negotiation with the United States and Russia. China has no interest and will not be part of it.
中国始终不渝奉行防御性国防政策，中国自卫防御的核战略完全透明，中国的核政策高度负责，中国的核武库规模极为有限，从不对国际和平与安全构成威胁。几十年来，中国一贯积极参与联合国、裁军谈判会议等多边机制框架下的军控磋商与谈判，反对军备竞赛，维护全球战略平衡和稳定。未来中方将继续坚定维护多边主义，积极参与多边军控进程，为维护国际和平与安全贡献力量。
China unswervingly pursues a national defense policy that is defensive in nature. China’s nuclear strategy for self-defense is completely transparent and its nuclear policy is highly responsible. China’s nuclear arsenal is extremely limited in scale, and poses no threat to international peace and security. For decades, China has actively participated in arms control consultations and negotiations under multilateral mechanisms and frameworks including those of the United Nations and Conference on Disarmament. China opposes arms race and works to safeguard global strategic balance and stability. Moving forward, China will continue to firmly uphold multilateralism, actively participate in multilateral arms control processes to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security.
谢谢主席女士。
Thank you, Madam President.
篇10：翻译资格考试一级口译实务材料
正本清源 捍卫法治
Get the Fundamentals Right and Safeguard the Rule of Law
驻香港公署特派员谢锋在20国际法论坛上的主旨演讲
Keynote Speech by H.E. Mr. Xie Feng Commissioner of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China in the Hong Kong SAR at 2019 Colloquium on International Law
2019年8月15日
15 August 2019
尊敬的林郑月娥行政长官，
肯尼迪·加斯顿秘书长、郑若骅司长，
黄进会长、梁定邦主席，
各位来宾、各位朋友：
The Honorable Chief Executive Carrie Lam,
Secretary General Prof. Dr. Kennedy Gastorn,
Secretary of Justice Teresa Cheng,
President Huang Jin,
Chairman Dr. Anthony Neoh,
Distinguished Guests,
Friends,
大家上午好!很高兴再次应邀出席国际法论坛。
Good morning. It gives me great pleasure to attend again the Colloquium on International Law.
国际法论坛连续四年在港举行，充分体现了林郑月娥行政长官领导的特区政府对法治的重视，也体现了国际社会对香港法治的高度认可。按照世界正义工程发布的“2019年法治指数”，香港法治水平在126个国家和司法辖区中位列第16位。
For the fourth consecutive year, the colloquium has been held in Hong Kong, which fully shows the importance the SAR Government led by Chief Executive Carrie Lam has attached to the rule of law, and the universal recognition of Hong Kong’s performance in this regard. According to the World Justice Project Rule of Law Index 2019, Hong Kong ranks 16th among 126 countries and jurisdictions.
令人痛心的是，一段时间来，一小部分激进分子不断升级暴力犯罪，不断突破法律、道德、人性底线。外国势力里应外合包庇纵容，严重冲击香港法治和社会秩序。在此时刻探讨法治议题尤具现实意义。
To our great distress, however, some radical forces in Hong Kong have ramped up violent crime in recent months, which has gone beyond the limits of law, morality and humanity. To make things worse, some foreign forces have condoned and even colluded with them, seriously undermining law and order in the city. That makes our discussions here on the rule of law even more relevant.
我从事外交工作33年，本科攻读的专业是国际法，愿借此机会与大家就近期共同关心的三个问题分享一些看法。
I’ve been in the diplomatic service for 33 years, but I was an international law major in my undergraduate years. So I’d like to take this opportunity to share with you my thoughts on three issues of common interest.
一、关于国际法上不干涉内政的原则
First, on the non-intervention principle of international law.
主权平等和不干涉内政是最根本也是最重要的国际法原则。17世纪初，国际法鼻祖格劳秀斯提出主权平等，强调国家无论大小强弱都拥有同等权利和义务，为威斯特伐利亚以降的国际关系奠定了基石。作为主权平等的必然要求，不干涉别国内政原则应运而生。著名国际法学家瓦泰尔论述道：“国家自由与独立的必然结果，就是她们有权以其认为适当的方式进行自我管理，任何国家都没有丝毫权利去干涉别国内政。在国家的所有权利中，主权无疑是最严肃的，其他国家必须给予最诚敬的尊重。”
Sovereign equality and non-intervention are two fundamental principles of international law. In the early 17th century, Hugo Grotius, founding father of international law, proposed the principle of sovereign equality, which emphasizes that states, big or small, strong or weak, have equal rights and obligations, thus laying the foundation of post-Westphalian international relations. The non-intervention principle came into being as the necessary requirement of sovereign equality. As the renowned international lawyer Vattel argued, “It is an evident consequence of the liberty and independence of nations, that all have a right to be governed as they think proper, and that no state has the smallest right to interfere in the government of another. Of all the rights that can belong to a nation, sovereignty is, doubtless, the most serious, and that which other nations ought the most scrupulously to respect.”
主权平等和不干涉内政已成为现代国际法基本原则和国际关系基本准则。《联合国宪章》第2条第1款规定“本组织(联合国)系基于各会员国主权平等之原则”，该条第7款又规定“本宪章不得认为授权联合国干涉在本质上属于任何国家国内管辖之事件”。联合国大会于1970年通过的《国际法原则宣言》进一步明确：“每一国均有选择其政治、经济、社会及文化制度之不可移让之权利，不受他国任何形式之干涉”，“任何国家或国家集团均无权以任何理由直接或间接干涉任何其他国家之内政或外交事务”。联大通过的其他国际宣言也指出：各国有义务避免利用和歪曲人权问题，以此作为对其他国家施压，或在其他国家内部制造猜忌和混乱的手段;有义务避免从事任何旨在干涉他国内政的诽谤运动、污蔑或敌意宣传;有义务避免以任何形式或任何借口采取任何动摇或破坏另一国家稳定或其任何制度的行动或企图。1975年欧洲安全与合作会议《赫尔辛基最终法案》也规定：“成员国将避免干涉另一成员国国内管辖的内外事务，无论这种干涉是直接或间接、单独或集体行为，也无论有关成员国之间关系如何”。国际法院在尼加拉瓜诉美国的“军事与准军事活动”案判决中指出，不干涉内政原则“是习惯国际法的一部分”。
Sovereign equality and non-intervention have been established as basic principles of modern international law and norms governing international relations. For example, Article 2, Paragraph 1 of the Charter of the United Nations states that “The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” Paragraph 7 of the same article provides that “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state.” The Declaration on Principles of International Law adopted by the UN General Assembly (UNGA) in 1970 further clarifies that “Every State has an inalienable right to choose its political, economic, social and cultural systems, without interference in any form by another State”, and that “No State or group of States has the right to intervene, directly or indirectly, for any reason whatever, in the internal or external affairs of any other State.” Other declarations adopted by the UNGA also point out that States have the duties to “refrain from the exploitation and the distortion of human rights issues as a means of exerting pressure on other States or creating distrust and disorder within and among States or groups of States”, to “abstain from any defamatory campaign, vilification or hostile propaganda for the purpose of intervening or interfering in the internal affairs of other States”, and to “refrain from any action or attempt in whatever form or under whatever pretext to destabilize or to undermine the stability of another State or of any of its institutions”. The Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe in 1975 also stipulates that “The participating States will refrain from any intervention, direct or indirect, individual or collective, in the internal or external affairs falling within the domestic jurisdiction of another participating State, regardless of their mutual relations.” In the “Military and Paramilitary Activities” case (Nicaragua vs. U.S.), the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled that the principle of non-intervention “is part and parcel of customary international law”.
外交和领事人员是派出国在接受国的官方代表，国际法对其职能有明确规定，要求他们不得干涉接受国内政。《维也纳外交关系公约》第41条和《维也纳领事关系公约》第55条明确规定，外交和领事人员“负有尊重接受国法律规章之义务”，“并负有不干涉该国内政之义务”。国际法院在解释为何必须确立不干涉别国内政原则时说，“这是因为就事物的本质而言，(干涉别国内政)总是最强权的国家所为，会轻而易举地妨害国际正义”。一语道破干涉别国内政的霸权实质。
International law clearly defines the functions of diplomatic agents and consular officers who officially represent the sending State in the receiving State, requiring them not to interfere in the internal affairs of the receiving State. Article 41 of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and Article 55 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations stipulate that it is the duty of diplomatic agents and consular officers “to respect the laws and regulations of the receiving State”, and “not to interfere in the internal affairs of that State”. And as the ICJ explained, the principle of non-intervention was established “for, from the nature of things, it would be reserved for the most powerful States, and might easily lead to perverting the administration of international justice itself”. The observation lays bare hegemony at the core of intervention.
从过去到现在，包括中国在内的许多发展中国家都深受外国强权干预之害。近期，个别国家粗暴干涉香港事务和中国内政，甚至威胁取消香港的经贸待遇、对特区政府官员进行制裁。这些国家的副总统、外长、议长、议员、驻港领事等频繁同“.”激进势力会面，睁着眼睛说瞎话，将暴力行为说成是“美丽的风景”，颠倒黑白地诋毁诬陷香港警队，无中生有地指责北京“侵蚀港人自治和自由”，恬不知耻地声称其外交官“同世界各国反对抗议人士会面，不只在中国香港”。这些人以赤裸裸的言行，公然蔑视不干涉内政原则、公然践踏国际法和国际关系基本准则。
Throughout history, many developing countries including China have suffered a lot from intervention by foreign powers. As the most recent example, some countries have grossly interfered in Hong Kong affairs, which are China’s domestic affairs, and even threatened to cancel economic and trade privileges of Hong Kong and sanction SAR Government officials. Politicians of certain Western countries, including Vice President, Foreign Minister, House Speaker, Congressmen and consular officers in Hong Kong, have frequently met with radical activists calling for so-called “Hong Kong independence”. They have told blatant lies, applauded violence as “a beautiful sight to behold”, made unfounded allegations against the Hong Kong police, groundlessly accused Beijing of “encroaching on Hong Kong people’s autonomy and freedom”, and even boasted that their diplomats “meet with opposition protesters, not just in Hong Kong or China”. Such remarks and actions have flagrantly defied the principle of non-intervention, and trampled upon international law and basic norms governing international relations.
干预别国内政的行为严重违反国际法，损害世界各国的共同利益，是世界**的根源。我们呼吁国际上一切爱好和平、尊重法治的正义力量团结起来，捍卫包括不干涉内政在内的国际法基本原则和国际关系基本准则，共同维护以国际法为基础的国际秩序。
Intervention is a serious violation of international law, which puts common interests of all countries at risk and breeds chaos around the globe. We call on the forces for justice in the world who cherish peace and the rule of law to unite behind the basic principles of international law and norms governing international relations, including non-intervention, and jointly uphold the international order based on international law.
二、关于《中英联合声明》问题
Second, on the Sino-British Joint Declaration.
近期个别国家频频拿《中英关于香港问题的联合声明》说事，妄称有权据此“监督”香港事务。大家只要读一读《联合声明》，真相就会大白。
In recent months, certain countries have frequently cited the Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong to justify their right to “supervise” Hong Kong affairs. But anyone who has studied the instrument knows well such claims do not hold water.
首先，《联合声明》是中英间关于中国收回香港及有关过渡期安排的重要文件，其中没有任何条款赋予英方干预回归后香港事务的权利，而且涉及英方的条款均已履行完毕。
Firstly, the Joint Declaration is an important instrument between China and the UK on China’s resumption of the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong and arrangements for the transitional period. There is no single clause in it that grants the UK any right to interfere in Hong Kong affairs after its return, and all clauses concerning the UK have been fulfilled.
《联合声明》共有8条正文和3个附件。第1条规定中国对香港恢复行使主权，第2条规定英国将香港交还给中国。香港回归后，这两条已同时履行完毕。第3条及附件一是关于中方对香港基本方针政策的原则阐述及具体说明，但没有任何涉及英方权利和义务的表述。第4至6条和附件二、附件三规定两国在回归过渡期的有关安排，包括双方在香港的行政管理、中英联合联络小组的设立和运作、土地契约以及批约等事项。第7、8条是关于实施和生效的条款。这些规定随着香港回归和各项后续工作的完成也都已履行完毕。
The Joint Declaration consists of eight paragraphs and three annexes. Article 1 is about China’s decision to resume the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong. In Article 2, the UK states that it will restore Hong Kong to China. These two articles have been fulfilled upon the return of Hong Kong. In Article 3 and Annex 1, China elaborates its basic policies regarding Hong Kong, yet with not the least implication of UK’s rights and obligations. Articles 4, 5 and 6 and Annexes 2 and 3 provide for relevant arrangements during the transitional period, including the administration of Hong Kong, the establishment and operation of a Sino-British Joint Liaison Group, land leases and ratification. Articles 7 and 8 are about the implementation and entry into force of the instrument. All these provisions have been fulfilled with the return of Hong Kong and the completion of ensuing work.
第二，《联合声明》中的对香港基本方针政策及具体说明，系中方单方面政策宣示，纯属中国内政，不是双方协议内容。《联合声明》第3条明确表示，“中华人民共和国决定在对香港恢复行使主权时，根据中华人民共和国宪法第三十一条的规定，设立香港特别行政区”。这表明，在港实施“一国两制”的法律基础是中国《宪法》，并非基于《联合声明》。
Secondly, the basic policies regarding Hong Kong elaborated in the Joint Declaration were proposed by China on its own and hence are completely China’s domestic affairs, rather than an agreement between the two sides. As Article 3 of the instrument clearly states, “The People’s Republic of China has decided to establish, in accordance with the provisions of Article 31 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, a Hong Kong Special Administrative Region upon resuming the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong.” It shows that the legal basis of implementing “One Country, Two Systems” in Hong Kong is China’s Constitution, instead of the Joint Declaration.
第三，《联合声明》更没有任何条款规定英方在香港回归后对香港承担任何责任。英方因《联合声明》产生的与香港的法律联系，最迟在中英联络小组1月1日终止工作时已不复存在。英方无权再根据《联合声明》对香港提出新的权利或者责任主张。简言之，对于回归后的香港，英国一无主权、二无治权、三无“监督”权。
Thirdly, the Joint Declaration includes no clause that provides for British obligations to Hong Kong after the city’s return. All legal relations between the UK and Hong Kong created by the instrument had terminated by 1 January at the latest, when the Sino-British Joint Liaison Group ceased operation. The UK is not entitled to claim any new rights over or obligations to Hong Kong by citing the Joint Declaration. To be brief, the UK has no sovereignty, jurisdiction or right of “supervision” over Hong Kong whatsoever after the latter returned to China.
特别需要指出的是，《联合声明》只是中英间双边文件，内容不涉及其他国家。根据一般国际法，其他国家和组织更是无权假借《中英联合声明》干涉香港事务。
It needs to be emphasized that the Joint Declaration is a bilateral instrument between China and the UK and does not concern any other country. According to general international law, other countries and organizations have no right to meddle with Hong Kong affairs on the pretext of the Joint Declaration.
三、关于“一国两制”问题
Third, on “One Country, Two Systems”.
“一国两制”是中国政府单方面的政策宣示，是基于国际法上主权平等原则以及和平解决争端原则的主动创造性实践，是中国对国际法发展的重大贡献。全面准确理解“一国两制”，必须把握好两点：
The policy of “One Country, Two Systems” was put forward by the Chinese Government itself. It is a pioneering initiative based on the principles of sovereign equality and peaceful settlement of disputes in international law, and is a major contribution by China to developing international law. In order to fully and accurately grasp the policy, it is necessary to understand at least two points.
首先，要认清中国《宪法》是香港特区的“根”和“源”。实行“一国两制”的香港特区是根据中国《宪法》设立的。早在1982年，中国《宪法》就列入“国家在必要时得设立特别行政区”的规定，远远早于1984年的《中英联合声明》。《基本法》是“一国两制”的具体化和法制化。国家《宪法》和香港《基本法》共同构成香港特区的宪制基础，具有坚实的政治基础、充分的法理依据和成功的实践经验。只讲某一方面或者把二者割裂开来、对立起来，都是不完整、不准确的，也不符合香港回归以来的实际情况。
Firstly, it is China’s Constitution that lays the very foundation of the HKSAR. The HKSAR where “One Country, Two Systems” is practiced was established according to China’s Constitution. As early as in 1982, two years before the Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed, China’s Constitution provides that “The state may establish special administrative regions when necessary.” The Basic Law of the HKSAR codifies the “One Country, Two Systems” policy into law with concrete provisions. Therefore, the Constitution of the PRC and the Basic Law of Hong Kong together constitute the constitutional basis of the HKSAR, which is supported by solid political and legal grounds and successful practices. Focusing solely on either of the laws or separating and even confronting the two is incomplete and misleading, and inconsistent with the reality since Hong Kong’s return.
第二，要把握好“一国”和“两制”的关系。“一国”是“两制”的基础与前提，“两制”是在“一国”之内的“两制”。香港《基本法》第1条就指出“香港特别行政区是中华人民共和国不可分离的部分”，第12条规定“香港特别行政区是中华人民共和国的一个享有高度自治权的地方行政区域，直辖于中央人民政府”。这说明，香港隶属于国家，是中国的香港，不是独立或半独立的政治实体;中央对香港拥有全面管治权，香港依《基本法》享有高度自治。如果“一国”原则受到冲击，“两制”就无从谈起。作为中国的一个地方行政区，香港肩负维护国家统一与领土完整、维护国家主权安全的宪制责任。任何危害国家主权安全、挑战中央权力和基本法权威、利用香港对内地进行渗透破坏的活动，都是决不能允许的。
Secondly, it is imperative to correctly understand the relationship between “One Country” and “Two Systems”. “One Country” is the foundation of and prerequisite for “Two Systems”, and “Two Systems” can only operate within the framework of “One Country”. Article 1 of the Basic Law makes it clear that “The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is an inalienable part of the People’s Republic of China”, and Article 12 provides that “The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be a local administrative region of the People’s Republic of China, which shall enjoy a high degree of autonomy and come directly under the Central People’s Government.” It fully demonstrates that Hong Kong is part of China rather than an independent or semi-independent political entity, and that the Central Government has overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong, while Hong Kong enjoys a high degree of autonomy under the Basic Law. Should the “One Country” principle be undermined, “Two Systems” would not materialize. As a local administrative region of China, Hong Kong has the constitutional responsibility of upholding national unity and territorial integrity, and defending national sovereignty and security. Any attempt to endanger China’s sovereignty and security, challenge the power of the Central Government and the authority of the Basic Law, or use Hong Kong to carry out infiltration and sabotage activities against the mainland is absolutely impermissible.
在“一国”基础上，我们尊重“两制”差异、善用“两制”之利、依法在香港实行高度自治的立场也是明确的、一贯的，从来没有也不会改变。
Our position is clear and consistent. We respect the differences between the “Two Systems” and well leverage their benefits on the basis of “One Country”, and ensure a high degree of autonomy in Hong Kong in accordance with law. This has not and will not change.
回顾150多年的英国殖民统治，没有一任港督是由港人民主选举产生，绝大部分时间立法机构成员更是直接由港督任命。与之形成鲜明对比，香港回归以后，港人依法当家作主、自行管理特区自治范围内事务。香港居民前所未有地享有广泛的民主权利和自由，任何不抱偏见的人都会承认，这是无可否认的事实。遗憾的是，仍有一些人昧着良心地主张某些香港从未存在过的所谓“权利”，反过来栽赃中国中央政府“侵蚀”这些“权利”，这些谬论于法律无据、于事实不符，再次暴露了他们的偏见、傲慢和虚伪。
Looking back at the more than 150 years when Hong Kong was under British colonial rule, one will find that no single Governor was democratically elected by the local people, and legislature members were directly appointed by the Governor most of the time. The people of Hong Kong today, by contrast, are their own masters and govern affairs within the limits of the SAR’s autonomy in accordance with law. It is an undeniable fact that Hong Kong citizens are enjoying unprecedented democratic rights and freedoms. Unfortunately, some people continue to claim “rights” that never existed in Hong Kong, and even accuse China’s Central Government of “eroding” these “rights”. Such argument is legally groundless and inconsistent with the reality, and has again exposed their prejudice, arrogance and hypocrisy.
各位朋友，
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Friends,
法治是社会正义、安全与秩序的根基，国际法治是捍卫各国主权、维护世界和平、促进共同发展的重要制度保障。
The rule of law is the cornerstone for justice, security and order of any society, and international law provides vital institutional guarantee for national sovereignty, world peace and common development.
当前香港事态的本质绝非所谓的人权、自由与民主问题，而是一些极端暴力分子裹挟不明真相者以反修例为幌子不断升级暴力犯罪活动，严重践踏法治和社会秩序、严重威胁香港市民安全、严重破坏香港繁荣稳定;是香港反对派和极端暴力分子企图以暴力等非法手段颠覆特区合法政府、挑战中央政府权威、动摇香港“一国两制”的宪制根基;是外国干预势力践踏国际法和国际关系基本准则，粗暴干涉香港事务和中国内政、破坏香港繁荣稳定、损害中国主权与安全，企图把香港作为一枚棋子，牵制和遏制中华民族伟大复兴。
The essential problem in Hong Kong now is not about human rights, freedoms or democracy as some claim. It is, instead, about the attempt by certain violent extremists to coerce those who do not know the truth and ramp up violent crime on the pretext of opposing the amendments of the two ordinances related to fugitive transfer, seriously trampling upon law and order, threatening the security of the citizens, and damaging Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability. It is about the intention of the opposition and violent extremists to overthrow the legitimate SAR Government, challenge the Central Government’s authority, and undermine the constitutional basis of “One Country, Two Systems” in Hong Kong through illegal means such as violence. It is about gross foreign interference in Hong Kong affairs and China’s domestic affairs as a whole, violating international law and basic norms governing international relations with the aim of damaging Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability and China’s national sovereignty and security, and turning Hong Kong into a pawn to hold back China’s national rejuvenation.
当前香港面临回归22年来最危险、最严峻的局面，当务之急和压倒一切的任务，就是止暴制乱、恢复秩序。中央政府坚定支持林郑月娥行政长官领导的特区政府依法施政，坚定支持香港警队和司法机构果断执法、严正司法，坚决支持绝大多数香港同胞反暴力、护法治、撑警队的正义之举。
As Hong Kong is facing the most dangerous and gravest situation since its return 22 years ago, the top priority is to stop violence, end the chaos and restore order. The Central Government firmly supports the SAR Government led by Chief Executive Carrie Lam in governing according to law, firmly supports the Hong Kong police and judiciary in decisively enforcing the law and fairly administering justice, and firmly supports the majority of Hong Kong compatriots in their just cause of opposing violence, upholding the rule of law, and supporting the police.
香港是中国的香港，香港事务纯属中国内政。任何践踏香港法治、破坏香港繁荣稳定、冲击“一国两制”的暴力行径，必将遭到法律的严惩。任何外国政府、组织或个人干预香港事务的行径，必将遭到包括香港同胞在内的全体中国人民的坚决回击。任何阻挠中华民族复兴的企图，注定将遭到可耻的失败。
Hong Kong is part of China, and its affairs are completely China’s domestic affairs. Any violent act to undermine the rule of law, damage the city’s prosperity and stability, and challenge “One Country, Two Systems” will meet with severe legal punishment. Any interference in Hong Kong affairs by foreign governments, organizations or individuals will be resolutely fought back by all Chinese people, including our Hong Kong compatriots. And any plot to hinder China’s national rejuvenation is doomed to fail.
我们相信，有“一国两制”的独特制度优势，有伟大祖国和内地同胞作为坚强后盾，有香港各界的和衷共济，有热爱和平、反对暴力、坚守法治的国际社会正义之士的理解和支持，香港一定能够克服眼前的困难，拂去一时的阴霾，“东方明珠”必将闪耀更加璀璨的光芒!
We are fully convinced that with the unique strength of the “One Country, Two Systems” framework, with the strong backing of the motherland and the people of the mainland, with the joint efforts of our Hong Kong compatriots, and with the understanding and support of the international forces for justice, including all our friends here, who love peace, oppose violence and cherish the rule of law, Hong Kong will surely overcome the temporary difficulties, and the “Pearl of the Orient” will shine even brighter.
最后，预祝本次论坛取得圆满成功!谢谢大家!
In closing, I wish this colloquium a great success. Thank you.
篇11：翻译资格考试一级口译实务材料精选篇
大变局中的中国外交：使命与担当
China’s Foreign Policy in a Fast Changing World: Mission and Responsibility
外交部副部长乐玉成在第八届世界和平论坛午餐会上的演讲
Speech by Vice Foreign Minister Le Yucheng at the Lunch Meeting of the Eighth World Peace Forum
2019年7月8日
8 July 2019
尊敬的陈旭主任，
尊敬的各位嘉宾，
女士们，先生们，朋友们，
Professor Chen Xu, Chairperson of the Tsinghua University Council,
Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Friends,
很高兴再次出席世界和平论坛，与各位新老朋友相聚一堂。本届世界和平论坛的主题是“稳定国际秩序：共担、共治、共享”。我依然清晰记得，去年，也是在这里，我们纵论天下大势和中国外交，大家对形势最突出的感受是“三不”：不确定、不稳定、不可预测。遗憾的是，一年过去了，国际局势依然乱变交织、阴云密布，各种不稳定不确定因素还在蔓延，世界仍面临着何去何从的艰难选择。考生如果怕自己错过考试成绩查询的话，可以 免费预约短信提醒，届时会以短信的方式提醒大家报名和考试时间。
It gives me great pleasure to come back to the World Peace Forum and share my thoughts with so many friends, old and new. The theme this year for the Forum, namely, “Stabilizing the World order: Common Responsibilities, Joint Management, and Shared Benefits” reminded me of our discussions here last year on the international situation and China’s foreign policy. The general feeling then was that international developments could be characterized by three words starting with “u”: uncertain, unstable and unpredictable. Unfortunately, as we meet again one year later, the situation has remained in a flux. Dark clouds have not cleared away, and destabilizing factors and uncertainties continue to widen. Some hard choices are yet to be made about where our world will be headed.
人类对于未来的选择，总是基于对过去的理解。回首100年前，一战的硝烟刚刚散去就建立了以国际联盟为支柱的凡尔赛体系，以期“开辟永久和平”。然而，“理想很丰满，现实很骨感”，仅仅20年，第二次世界大战就爆发了。凡尔赛体系未能有效制止战争的一个重要原因是，有关国家唯本国利益至上，甚至相互以邻为壑，竞相转嫁危机。国联形同虚设，多边协调失效。教训极其深刻。
The choices humankind makes about the future are usually based on its understanding of the past. A hundred years ago, in the immediate aftermath of the First World War, the Versailles System with the League of Nations as its pillar was established to create “durable peace”. Yet we all know “what happens to ideals when they confront the reality”. Just 20 years later, the Second World War broke out. An important reason why the Versailles System failed to prevent the war was that countries concerned put their own interests above those of others, or even took a beggar-thy-neighbor approach to shift the crisis onto others, which made it next to impossible for the League of Nations and multilateral coordination to function properly. These lessons were learned the hard way.
今天，世界又一次面临乱变交织的危机和挑战。我们该如何应对?上世纪凡尔赛体系失败的教训殷鉴不远。我们不能再重蹈历史的覆辙，不能再上演单边主义和保护主义的老剧本。更何况我们已经生活在各国相互依存不断加深的全球化时代，人类已经形成休戚与共的命运共同体。如果把世界多年形成的网络化联系和产业链协同当作威胁的武器，国家间大搞关税战、贸易战，甚至金融战、科技战，那就是开历史的倒车，后果极其危险。我们切不可因一时的短视而犯下不可挽回的历史性错误，将人类带入灾难的深渊。
Today, our world is once again confronted with crises and challenges brought by disorder and change. How should we respond? The failure of the Versailles System is not far behind us. We cannot let history repeat itself or witness a replay of the old script of unilateralism and protectionism, particularly when we now live in a globalized world where countries are increasingly interdependent and the entire humanity belongs in one community with a shared future. If countries allow the networks and the collaborative industrial chain that have been formed over the years to be turned into weapons against each other, or if more tariff wars, trade wars, or even financial and technology wars were to break out, our world would regress to the bad old ways with extremely dangerous consequences. We should never be blinded by myopia and make irreversible mistakes leading to catastrophes.
事实上，面对前所未有的挑战，多边主义日益成为国际社会的广泛共识。刚刚结束的二十国集团领导人大阪峰会又一次发出了支持多边主义的主流声音。如何践行多边主义?我认为，首先要有制度保障。没有制度也就没有秩序。要维护以联合国为核心、以国际法为基础的国际体系，维护以世界贸易组织为核心、以规则为基础的多边贸易体制。现行的国际秩序虽然不尽完美，需要改革完善，但不能全盘推翻、各行其是、为所欲为，那样将会天下大乱。其次要有合作精神。全球性问题需要全球性合作应对，没有哪个大力士能够包打天下。必须同舟共济、共同划桨，才能乘风破浪到达彼岸。三是要有共赢意识。国际社会就是一个大家庭，应该有难同当、有福同享。零和博弈、赢者通吃行不通，追求利益最大化和本国利益至上的结果只能是冲突和战争。
Fortunately, in the face of unprecedented challenges, there is a growing consensus among the international community for upholding multilateralism. The just concluded G20 Osaka Summit, for example, sent a resounding message of supporting multilateralism. How, then, should we effectively put multilateralism to action? I think first and foremost, there needs to be a sound institutional basis, without which order would be elusive. We need to uphold the international system with the United Nations at the core and governed by international law, and uphold the rules-based multilateral trading system with the WTO at its center. Although it is far from perfect and requires reform and improvement, yet the existing international order should not be overturned. If each country takes things into its own hands, the world would be plunged into utter chaos. Secondly, we need a spirit of cooperation. Global issues require global responses. No country can go it alone, however mighty it may be. We must work together like rowers in the same boat in order to brave the waves and reach the shores of success. Thirdly, we need to follow a win-win approach. The international community needs to shoulder shared responsibilities and seek mutual benefits as members of a big family would do. Zero-sum games and the winner-take-all approach would lead nowhere. Trying to maximize one’s own interests and put them above those of others would only lead to conflict and war.
多边主义与习近平主席倡导的人类命运共同体内涵一致、理念相通，符合共商共建共享的全球治理观，有利于推动建设相互尊重、公平正义、合作共赢的新型国际关系。实践已经并将进一步证明，践行多边主义是人间正道，构建人类命运共同体是大势所趋。
There exists extensive commonality between the principles of multilateralism and President Xi Jinping’s call for building a community with a shared future for mankind. The values of multilateralism further accord well with the concept of global governance based on extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits and are instrumental to shaping a new type of international relations featuring mutual respect, fairness, justice and win-win cooperation. History has and will continue to prove that multilateralism points the right way forward and the building of a community with a shared future for mankind is an inexorable trend of our times.
女士们，先生们，朋友们，
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Friends,
中国讲究知行合一。中国始终是世界和平的建设者、全球发展的贡献者、国际秩序的维护者。过去一年，尽管自身遇到一系列难题和挑战，但中国外交致力于同各国加强互利合作的承诺没有变，维护世界和平、促进共同发展的使命担当没有变，而且更有作为，更有实效。
China is a country that always matches its commitments with actions. It has always been a promoter of world peace, a contributor to global development and an upholder of the international order. Over the past year, despite the difficulties and challenges China encountered, our commitment to enhancing mutually beneficial cooperation with all other countries has remained unchanged, so have our efforts to fulfill our responsibilities to world peace and common development. If anything, we have only done more and delivered greater results on both fronts.
我们坚定捍卫多边主义和自由贸易。面对逆全球化思潮上升、保护主义和单边主义蔓延的严峻挑战，习近平主席在二十国集团领导人峰会、亚太经合组织领导人非正式会议、首届中国国际进口博览会等场合，铿锵有力发出了中国坚定捍卫多边主义和自由贸易的时代强音，主动引领全球治理体系变革方向。积极推动合作共赢的经济全球化，建设开放型世界经济。携手各方落实2030年可持续发展议程和气候变化《巴黎协定》，谋求各国共同发展与繁荣。
We have firmly upheld multilateralism and free trade. Facing the growing backlash against globalization and the serious challenge of rising protectionism and unilateralism, President Xi Jinping sent out a clear and consistent message at the G20 Summit, the APEC Economic Leaders’ Meeting, the first China International Import Expo and other occasions of China’s firm commitment to safeguard multilateralism and free trade and steer the reform of the global governance system in a proactive manner. President Xi called for actively promoting economic globalization based on mutually beneficial cooperation and the building of an open world economy. The Chinese side has further worked with all other parties to implement the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change to pursue development and prosperity for all countries.
我们致力于高质量共建“一带一路”。坚持共商共建共享原则，践行开放、绿色、廉洁理念，努力实现高标准、惠民生、可持续目标。最近世界银行发布“一带一路’经济学”报告，认为“一带一路”交通项目全部完成后，沿线国家交通时间将减少12%，贸易增长2.8 – 9.7%，实际收入增长1.2-3.4%，760万人将摆脱极端贫困。这表明，“一带一路”有效促进了有关国家和地区经济增长、民生改善、基础设施联通，甚至改变了很多普通人的命运。在马拉维北部的齐姆科贝尔村，近一个世纪以来，村民们一直是头顶水桶到一公里外的水源打水。是中国工人来到该村修建起崭新的水井。在地下水涌出井口的那一刻，村民们激动地说“我们再也不用光着脚走山路了。”中国援建的马拉维600眼水井项目为当地6个地区15万人提供了清洁的饮用水。
We have advanced high-quality “Belt and Road” cooperation. Adhering to the principle of extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits, we have engaged in open, green and clean “Belt and Road” cooperation to deliver high-standard and sustainable outcomes beneficial to people’s livelihood. According to the recent World Bank report on “Belt and Road” economics, once the transport corridors are fully completed, travel time along the corridors will shrink by 12 percent, trade will be up by 2.8 to 9.7 percent, people’s real income will increase by 1.2 to 3.4 percent and 7.6 million people will be lifted out of extreme poverty in participating countries. This shows that “Belt and Road” cooperation is an effective contributor to the economic growth, higher living standards and infrastructure connectivity of countries and regions involved. It is changing the lives of many local people. For example, in a village called Chimkombero in northern Malawi, for nearly a century, people there had to walk with buckets on their heads for about a kilometer to a hand-dug shallow well to get drinking water. Then came Chinese workers who drilled a new borehole for them. The moment fresh water came gushing out of the borehole, the villagers were so excited that they said, “We no longer had to walk such a long distance on bare foot to get water.” The 600 boreholes China has helped to drill in Malawi are now providing clean drinking water to 150,000 people in six local districts.
我们开启中俄关系新时代。今年6月初，在中俄建交70周年的历史节点，习近平主席访问俄罗斯，实现两国元首6年来近30次会晤。此访为中俄关系确立新定位、实现新拓展、树立新目标。中俄宣布发展新时代全面战略协作伙伴关系，持续推进战略性大项目，扩大科技创新合作深度和广度，推动双边贸易额向2000亿美元迈进。中俄关系处于历史最好时期，政治互信和战略协作达到前所未有新高度。
We have ushered in a new era for China-Russia relations. This year being the 70th anniversary of China-Russia diplomatic ties, President Xi Jinping visited Russia in early June and met President Putin for nearly the 30th time in six years. President Xi’s visit set a new characterization of China-Russia relations, achieved new progress and set new targets for bilateral cooperation. China and Russia vowed to develop a comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for a new era, advance cooperation on major strategic projects, expand and deepen cooperation on technological innovation, and work to increase two-way trade to US$200 billion. The China-Russia relationship is at its best in history, with political mutual trust and strategic coordination reaching a new high.
我们与欧洲合力应对全球性挑战。习近平主席将欧洲作为今年出访的首站，中法德欧领导人同台聚首，就全球治理、多边主义、自由贸易等问题达成广泛共识，一致同意加强在联合国框架内的协调合作，充分发挥二十国集团等多边机制的建设性作用，在推动政治解决国际争端、应对气候变化、促进可持续发展等方面积极担当有为。中欧领导人向世界发出了加强互信、深化合作、合力应对全球挑战的有力信号。
We have worked with Europe to address global challenges. President Xi Jinping chose Europe as the destination of his first overseas trip this year. He met with leaders from France, Germany and the EU, where they reached extensive consensus on global governance, multilateralism and free trade. They agreed to strengthen coordination and cooperation at the UN, fully leverage the constructive role of the G20 and other multilateral mechanisms to do more in seeking political settlement of international disputes, addressing climate change and promoting sustainable development. This sent out a strong signal at the leadership level of China and Europe working to enhance mutual trust, deepen cooperation and meet global challenges.
我们着力构建周边命运共同体。中国同日本、印度关系获得双提升。习近平主席出席二十国集团领导人大阪峰会期间同安倍晋三首相举行会晤，达成推动两国关系进一步发展的十点共识。安倍晋三首相邀请习近平主席明年春天对日本进行国事访问。中印领导人年内将举行非正式会晤，擘画中印关系新蓝图。中国—东盟战略伙伴关系进入成熟期，区域全面经济伙伴关系协定谈判驶入快车道，中日韩自贸协定谈判进程加快推进。上海合作组织影响持续扩大，成为团结互信、安危共担、互利共赢、包容互鉴的地区合作机制典范。
We have stepped up efforts to build a community with a shared future with neighboring countries. China has improved relations with both Japan and India. President Xi Jinping met with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe on the sidelines of the G20 Osaka Summit and reached a ten-point common understanding on further growing bilateral relations. Prime Minister Abe invited President Xi to pay a state visit to Japan in spring next year. President Xi and Prime Minister Modi will have an informal summit this year to chart the future course of China-India relations. The China-ASEAN strategic partnership is entering a mature phase. Negotiations on the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership are being brought forward and those on a China-Japan-ROK free trade agreement are picking up pace. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization is expanding its influence and becoming a good example of regional cooperation featuring unity, mutual trust, shared security, mutual benefit and inclusiveness.
我们推动南南合作迈上新台阶。在去年9月举行的中非合作论坛北京峰会上，中非双方50多位领导人共聚一堂，共商中非合作大计，共度“中非友好黄金周”。峰会成果正在积极落实并呈现出“早见效、高标准、惠民生”的可喜态势。我们用铁一般的事实向世界证明，中非友谊牢不可破。依托77国集团加中国、金砖国家等重要的南南合作平台，中国同阿拉伯、拉美、南太等各地区发展中国家的友好合作不断获得新动力。
We have elevated South-South cooperation to a new height. In September last year, over 50 leaders from China and Africa gathered at the FOCAC Beijing Summit to discuss China-Africa cooperation and jointly celebrated “a golden week of China-Africa friendship”. Since then, the follow-up actions have been actively implemented, producing early and high-quality results and making a visible difference for the livelihood of local communities. With such iron-clad facts, we have demonstrated to the world that the friendship between China and Africa remains unbreakable as ever. Supported by key South-South cooperation platforms, including the G77+China and BRICS, China’s friendly relations and cooperation with developing countries in the Arab region, Latin America, the South Pacific and other regions are showing renewed momentum.
我们积极促进政治解决热点问题。习近平总书记、国家主席对朝鲜进行国事访问，是党的十八大以来中国最高领导人首次访朝，有力巩固和传承了中朝传统友谊，也为推动半岛问题政治解决进程、维护半岛和平稳定发挥了重要而独特的作用。我们坚定站在国际法和国际道义一边，坚定维护伊朗核全面协议，维护中东地区和平与稳定。我们还积极劝和促谈，推动缅北、阿富汗、叙利亚、巴以等问题政治解决进程。
We have actively promoted the political settlement of hotspot issues. General Secretary and President Xi Jinping’s recent state visit to the DPRK, the first visit to the country by China’s top leader after the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, has not only carried forward and cemented the traditional friendship between the two countries, but also played an important and unique role in advancing the political settlement of the Korean peninsula issue and maintaining peace and stability on the peninsula. On the Iranian nuclear issue, we stand firmly by international law and justice, and worked to uphold the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and peace and stability in the Middle East. We have also actively facilitated peace talks and promoted the political settlement of such issues as northern Myanmar, Afghanistan, Syria and that between Palestine and Israel.
过去一年，中国一直坚定地与世界并肩前行，一直执着地与各国同心协力，直面变革与动荡的考验，培育和平与增长的力量，尤其是元首外交发挥了不可替代的战略引领作用。刚刚过去的6月，习近平主席前所未有地接连四次出访，出席双、多边峰会等各类活动上百场，为世界和平而奔波，为全球治理而操劳，以实际行动坚守中国外交的初心与使命，展现中国的大国责任与担当。
Over the past year, China has stayed firmly committed to the common good of the world and working with other countries in concert to face up to changes and turbulence and strengthen the force for peace and growth. In particular, the summit diplomacy provided an irreplaceable strategic guidance in this process. This June alone, President Xi Jinping made unprecedented four overseas trips and attended more than 100 bilateral and multilateral events, making selfless efforts for the cause of world peace and global governance. With concrete actions, President Xi has stayed true to the original aspiration and goals of China’s diplomacy and demonstrated China’s sense of responsibility and mission as a major country.
女士们，先生们，朋友们，
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Friends,
今年是中美建交40周年。40年中美关系的发展变化超过了当年任何最大胆的预测，不仅给两国带来巨大利益，也在很大程度上改变了世界。40年中美关系发展历程给我们最大的启示就是中美合则两利，斗则俱伤，合作比摩擦好，对话比对抗好。当前中美关系正处于建交以来最复杂敏感的时期，中美关系未来走向攸关两国和世界的前途命运。正如习近平主席所指出的，我们有一千个理由把中美关系搞好，没有一条理由把它搞坏。借此机会我想指出：
This year marks the 40th anniversary of China-US diplomatic relations. In the past four decades, this relationship has come a long way, outperforming even the wildest predictions back then. It has not only brought huge benefits to both countries, but also changed the world in profound ways. For us, the biggest revelation from this 40-year journey is this: China and the US both stand to gain from cooperation and lose from confrontation; and cooperation and dialogue is always better than friction and confrontation. China-US relations is now going through the most complex and sensitive period since diplomatic relations were formalized four decades ago. How things play out will significantly impact the future of both countries and that of the world. As President Xi Jinping pointed out, there are 1,000 reasons to make China-US relations work, but not a single reason to derail them. Taking this opportunity, I would like to share a few observations.
第一，美国当前面临的问题，不是中国之过。9·11事件后，美国发动阿富汗和伊拉克战争，深陷中东乱局，耗资数万亿美元，导致战略透支。2008年国际金融危机暴露了美国经济社会深层次矛盾，经济失衡、贫富分化、基础设施老化等问题都各有其因，但都不是中国造成的，不能把中国当替罪羊。
First, the challenges currently facing the US cannot be blamed on China. After 9/11, the United States waged wars against Afghanistan and Iraq. Those two wars have left the US deeply mired in the turmoils of the Middle East, costed it trillions of dollars, and sapped its strategic strength. The 2008 global financial crisis exposed the deep-seated imbalances in the US economy and society. Problems such as economic disparity, widening wealth gap and aging infrastructure all have their own reasons, but none were caused by China. China should not be made a scapegoat for them.
第二，以加税、脱钩相威胁，不是解决问题的“药方”。中方一直诚心诚意同美方进行经贸谈判，管控分歧，但谈判应该是平等的，结果应是平衡的、互利的，体现相互尊重、互谅互让，照顾各自合理关切。在涉及中国主权和尊严的问题上，中国必须维护自己的核心利益。中国决不会接受一个限制自身发展、阻挡中华民族复兴的屈辱协议。中方维护自身正当合法利益的决心和意志是坚定的。极限施压也好，冷战威胁也罢，都吓不倒我们。
Second, threat of tariffs and decoupling is not the solution. China has been engaging in the trade negotiations with the US in good faith to manage our differences. However, the negotiations should be on an equal footing, and their outcomes should be balanced, mutually beneficial, and demonstrate mutual respect and accommodation of each other’s legitimate concerns. When its sovereignty and dignity are at stake, China must safeguard its core interests. There is no way that China will accept a humiliating agreement that will hold back its development and national rejuvenation. The Chinese side is determined to safeguard its legitimate rights and interests. Nothing, be it maximum pressure or threat of another Cold War, will intimidate us.
第三，把中国当敌人，不是理性之举。中美经贸摩擦的背后，是一个如何从战略上认识对方的问题。中美两国作为世界第一大和第二大经济体，利益高度交融，合作领域广阔，应该相互促进、共同发展，把中国视为敌人是十分愚蠢的，后果也将是灾难性的。“让美国再次伟大”和中华民族伟大复兴这两个历史进程完全可以并行不悖，中美完全可以相互成就，共同“伟大”。
Third, taking China as an enemy is not a rational approach. Behind the China-US trade friction is the underlying issue of strategic perception. China and the US, as the top two economies in the world with closely intertwined interests and broad areas of cooperation, should work together for common progress and development. Viewing China as an enemy cannot be more unwise and would only lead to disastrous consequences. “Making America great again” and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation are two historic processes that may well go hand in hand. It is entirely possible for China and the US to help each other succeed and achieve “greatness” together .
日前，习近平主席与特朗普总统在大阪举行成功会晤，两国元首就事关中美关系发展的根本性问题交换了意见，为下阶段两国关系发展定向把舵。双方同意继续推进以协调、合作、稳定为基调的中美关系，并宣布重启经贸磋商。这些重要共识向国际社会发出了积极和正面信号，也受到各方的欢迎和支持。我们要按照两国元首确定的原则共识，牢牢把握双边关系发展的正确方向，在相互尊重、互利互惠的基础上加强战略沟通，增进相互了解，拓展各领域合作，妥善管控分歧，推动中美关系行稳致远，造福两国和世界。
Recently, President Xi and President Trump had a successful meeting in Osaka, during which they exchanged views on the fundamental issues bearing on China-US relations and set out the future course for this relationship. The two sides agreed to continue pursuing a China-US relationship based on coordination, cooperation and stability and announced the resumption of trade consultations. These important understandings sent a positive message and are welcomed and supported by the international community. Now the task for both sides is to follow through on the principled consensus reached by the two presidents and keep to the right direction of China-US relations. The two sides need to strengthen strategic communication on the basis of mutual respect and mutual benefit to deepen mutual understanding, expand cooperation in various areas, and properly manage differences. This will go a long way to promoting steady progress of China-US relationship to the benefit of both countries and the wider world.
女士们，先生们，朋友们，
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Friends,
今年是中华人民共和国成立70周年。70年砥砺奋进，70年风雨兼程。在中国共产党的领导下，中国人民自力更生、艰苦奋斗，创造了举世瞩目的伟大成就。中国跃升为世界第二大经济体，4亿多人跨入中等收入行列，近8亿人脱贫。到2020年年底要实现现有标准下农村贫困人口全部脱贫。中国从此将告别绝对贫困，这是人类发展和减贫史上的伟大奇迹。明年，我们将全面建成小康社会，实现第一个百年奋斗目标，中国人民对美好生活的向往正逐渐变成现实。
This year, we celebrate the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. It has been seven decades of relentless progress despite trials and tribulations. Led by the Communist Party of China, we the Chinese people have made great achievements through self reliance and hard work, making China the second largest economy in the world, cultivating a middle income population of over 400 million, and lifting some 800 million people out of poverty. By the end of 2020, we will have taken all rural residents living below the current poverty line out of poverty, putting an end to absolute poverty in our country and creating a miracle in the history of development and poverty reduction. We are also on course to attain the first centenary goal by 2020, i.e. completing the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects. The Chinese people are getting closer and closer to realizing their aspirations for a better life.
中国的发展对世界是机遇和贡献，绝不是什么挑战和威胁。习近平主席已多次向世界庄严承诺，中国开放的大门不会关上，只会越开越大。日前在二十国集团领导人大阪峰会上，习近平主席又宣布了一系列对外开放新举措。相信世界将见证，中国不会构筑任何高墙，也不会和任何国家脱钩。相反，中国的关税水平会更低，负面清单更短，市场准入更便利，市场规则更透明。一个更加开放的中国，将同世界形成更加积极的互动，也将给世界创造更多机遇，作出更大贡献。
China’s development means opportunities and contributions to the world, rather than a challenge or threat. As President Xi Jinping has reaffirmed on many occasions, China’s door will not be closed, but will only open wider to the world. At the G20 Osaka Summit, President Xi Jinping announced further steps of opening up. I am confident that the world will come to see that China, instead of building walls or decoupling with other countries, will continue to bring down its tariff rates, shorten the negative lists, expand market access and make market rules more transparent. A more open China that actively interacts with the rest of the world will bring more opportunities, and make greater contributions to the world.
女士们，先生们，朋友们，
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Friends,
“登高壮观天地间，大江茫茫去不还。”站在21世纪第三个十年的历史关口，面对激流险滩和狂风骤雨，中国这艘巨轮将继续乘风破浪、坚定笃行，为世界大变局注入更多稳定性、为国际秩序变革贡献更强正能量、为全球发展提供更大新动力。
As a Chinese poem goes, “As we stand high and look far, the unstoppable tide of history, like in a mighty river, surges ever forward.” As we are about to enter the third decade of the 21st century, the journey ahead might be beset with dangerous rapids and storms, but China will stay its course and move forward by riding the waves and braving the storms. We will serve as an even stronger stabilizing force in this fast changing world, injecting greater positive energy for the evolution of the international order and a more powerful impetus for global development.
谢谢大家!
Thank you!
